OurTupelo

The expected rising costs for health insurance could give Democratic candidate Scott Colom a line of attack in next year’s election against incumbent Republican U.S. Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith.

It is an issue that will hit tens of thousands of Mississippians right dab in their faces and in their pocketbooks when they go to renew their health insurance policies later this year and see how much their monthly premiums have increased.

Colom, a longtime district attorney from Columbus, can hammer Hyde-Smith for the rising costs. After all, the rising costs could be traced directly to Hyde-Smith and her allies if the Republican-led U.S. Congress and President Donald Trump do not act to prevent the increase in health insurance premium costs for about 285,000 Mississippians who purchase coverage through the Affordable Care Act exchange or marketplace.

Unless Congress acts before the end of the year, the price of the marketplace’s health insurance policies will increase an estimated $480 annually in Mississippi, according to KFF, a national group that conducts health care research. And based on other factors, such as inflation, the increase could be significantly more.

While the enhanced federal assistance helps primarily lower income people or the working poor, the end of the enhanced federal assistance also could mean more affluent Mississippians who depend on the marketplace policies would no longer be eligible for any federal help.

During the administration of former President Joe Biden, lawmakers passed legislation to enhance the federal aid provided to people who purchase insurance through the ACA marketplace. Lower income people already received some help with the cost of the marketplace policies as an important part of the Affordable Care Act, but the Biden-era legislation increased the amount of help. And under the Biden legislation, wealthier people would be eligible for federal assistance if their health insurance costs more than 8.5% of their total earnings.

Hyde-Smith, like other members of the Mississippi congressional delegation, voted against the enhanced federal assistance for the marketplace policies.

In the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill passed earlier this year, Trump and the Republican Congress were careful to ensure that the cuts to Medicaid and other programs would not go into effect until after the 2026 midterm election, when Colom is challenging Hyde-Smith.

But Congress did not take any action in the One Big Beautiful Bill to ensure that the enhanced federal marketplace assistance did not end before the 2026 elections, leaving rising health care costs as an issue for Colom and others.

Mississippi will be hit particularly hard by the end of the federal aid for the cost of marketplace policies.

Participation in the marketplace by Mississippians has increased 242% in recent years since the enhanced federal assistance program was enacted, according to KFF. Only Texas has seen a greater increase at 255%.

Unsurprisingly, the states where the participation has increased the most are all red states that in most cases have not expanded Medicaid to provide health insurance for primarily the working poor, with the federal government paying the bulk of the costs. In states where there is no Medicaid expansion, data shows that the working poor flocked to the exchange to garner health insurance.

It should be pointed out that the end of the enhanced federal assistance for marketplace policies will hurt not just those having to pay the higher premiums for the marketplace policies, but the state of Mississippi as a whole. Hospitals and other medical providers, already struggling, will be forced to provide more uncompensated care or pass those costs on to other Mississippians who do have health insurance.

Despite those health care issues, Hyde-Smith will be a heavy favorite to win reelection in Mississippi, where a Democrat has not won a U.S. Senate election since 1982.

But if Colom can connect rising health insurance costs to Hyde-Smith, that could be a powerful issue.

Of course, Hyde-Smith and the Republican Congress have until the end of the year to act and prevent people from having to pay more for marketplace plans.

On a warm Sunday afternoon in August, Nelson “Andy” Wade arrives at Cooper Down in Terry, Mississippi, where a parade of trucks towing horse trailers, cars filled with families and food vendors arrive from across the state for a horse appreciation day.

A strong breeze cools the shade under large oak trees, and makes lounging and visiting with friends a more pleasant time as the heat of the day rises.

Wade makes the rounds, chatting with friends old and new. He stops kids riding horses to ask how they’re doing. He asks about the horses. He smiles and waves, laughing and telling stories before heading towards the fencing of the oval track where drivers train and race harness horses called Standardbreds.

Along the way, Wade spots a mechanical bull, promptly pulls off his boots and hops on. He rides with glee and to the amusement of the small crowd gathered to cheer him on. The crowd records his joy on cell phones held high. Eventually, he’s thrown off, but is all smiles. He accepts a few hugs as his reward, puts on his boots, then encourages the children to try their hand at bull riding.

“I love this,” he said, waving an arm to indicate the festivities around him. “I especially love seeing these kids out here riding. There’s a lot of our youth that come to shows like this and the horse races that are interested in horses, but they don’t even have a horse. Their parents and not any of their family members have horses.”

Wade wants to help kids in his community – especially those of color – learn equestrian skills as another way for them to get into college. He has made it his mission.

“Here I am, a cowboy, rancher, horse trainer, horse racer and a licensed official for the United States Trotting Association. I’m an equestrian consultant, calf roper, steer wrestler and do workshops to train our youth. If I could put all that on a business card, know what would be in the boldest print? 

“I’m a mentor,” Wade said.

“So I thought, you know what. I’m going to try and do everything I can to change that,” Wade said, before waving down two young men galloping across the green sward to chat them up. He asks if they’re enjoying themselves, about the horses they ride.

“What I do is try and pair these kids with someone that has horses. They get an opportunity to learn how to train, ride and care for them. If they’re really serious about what they’re doing, I make it possible for them to get their driver or jockey license, compete on a professional level. And for the ones not interested in that, we find activities for them too.” 

Wade walks back to the fence at the oval track, hitching up a booted foot to resume sharing his mission.

“Kids can also get involved in sports clubs like 4-H, learn a respectable trade like being a farrier, earning them a good living. It’s really about equestrian and agricultural activities, because it can get them a college scholarship. My own son is going to college on a rodeo scholarship, getting a full ride, if you know what I mean,” he said, smiling broadly.

Wade mentions a program for youth he’s starting with Rep. Rickey Thompson, a Democrat from Shannon. He hopes to help them “get started on the right path.”

“My path was out of love and necessity. Necessity as in making a living. I want to be a model of success to these kids so that they not just dream of success, but to have success,” he said. “I want to be for them what Lane Frost was for me. He was my bull riding idol. I loved that guy. He was awesome. Not only was he a great cowboy, he was a great person. He always took the time to stop and talk with kids. That made a big impression on me. I never forgot it.”

Finance leaders, mayors of several major Deep South cities and others will attend DELTA FEST conference in Jackson next week, which planners are calling an “economic activation festival” to map a 10-year plan for economic prosperity in the Deep South.

The free three-day event, held from Sept. 16-18 at the Environmental Learning Center in south Jackson, was organized by HOPE Enterprise Corporation and Yancey Consulting. It will include presentations and support from other major financial institutions like Capital One, Wells Fargo and Goldman Sachs.

The idea for the festival, HOPE CEO Bill Bynum said, was developed following the 2024 election as a way to empower people in communities across the Deep South.

“Last November, it was clear that we were at a very critical point in the country and that there were going to be changes in the economic policies going forward,” Bynum told Mississippi Today. “But we’d also seen over the years that we know what it takes to ensure that people in places like in the Delta, in the Alabama Black Belt, in south Jackson, in Central City in New Orleans could navigate these economic shifts, these political shifts, these crises.

“So we reached out to our investors, to our board, to our team here at HOPE and our allies and said, ‘It’s time to create a new paradigm where everyday people in the South have the tools they need to prosper,” Bynum continued. “Delta Fest is not just a forum, it’s not just a conference. We see it as a strategy, a vision.”

An opening ceremony will take place on Sept. 16 and will be hosted by comedian Rita Brent and feature musical performances by Benjamin Cone with members of the Mississippi Mass Choir and the Jackson State Sonic Boom Pep Band. Later, there will be a fireside chat with music executive and Jackson State University professor Cortez Bryant. 

The next two days are dedicated to sessions broken into three tracks: Ownership, Entrepreneurship and Community Infrastructure. One will feature Jackson Mayor John Horhn along with the mayors of Birmingham, Montgomery and Little Rock. They will be joined by other local and national leaders, policymakers, creatives and entrepreneurs to share ideas, resources and information.

Bynum said he expects that by the end of the festival, there will be “some clear direction, some clear tools that people can put to use to start to advance a prosperous economy.”

“This isn’t just ideas and platitudes, this is really around, ‘What can people pick up right now to do and build within their entrepreneurship, ownership and community infrastructure?’” said Lisa Yancey, the founder and president of Yancey Consulting. “Anything that we want to materialize, anything that we want to manifest isn’t outside of us. It is already within us … We just need to activate it.”

Editor’s note: Bill Bynum serves on the Deep South Today board of directors. Several of the Delta Fest sponsors and speakers are Mississippi Today donors. Donors do not in any way influence our newsroom’s editorial decisions. For more on that policy or to view a list of our donors, click here.

The Mississippi Supreme Court has set the execution of a man who kidnapped and murdered a 20-year-old community college student in north Mississippi 30 years ago. 

Charles Ray Crawford, 59, is set to be executed Oct. 15 at the Mississippi State Penitentiary at Parchman, after multiple requests by the attorney general’s office. 

Eight justices joined the majority opinion to set the execution, concluding that Crawford has exhausted all state and federal legal remedies. Mississippi Supreme Court Justice T. Kenneth Griffis Jr. wrote the Friday opinion. Justice David Sullivan did not participate. 

Last fall, Crawford’s attorneys asked the court not to set an execution date because he hadn’t exhausted appeal efforts in federal court to challenge a rape conviction that is not tied to his death sentence. In June, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to take up Crawford’s case. 

A similar delay occurred a decade ago, when the AG’s office asked the court to reset Crawford’s execution date, but that was denied because efforts to appeal his unrelated rape conviction were still pending. 

After each unsuccessful filing, the attorney general’s office asked the Mississippi Supreme Court to set Crawford’s execution date. 

On Friday, the court also denied Crawford’s third petition for post-conviction relief and a request for oral argument. It accepted the state’s motion to dismiss the petition. Seven justices concurred and Justice Leslie King concurred in result only. Again, Justice Sullivan did not participate. 

Crawford was convicted and sentenced to death in Lafayette County for the 1993 rape and murder of North Mississippi Community College student Kristy Ray.  

Days before he was set to go to trial on separate aggravated assault and rape charges, he kidnapped Ray from her parents’ Tippah County home, leaving ransom notes. Crawford took Ray to an abandoned barn where he stabbed her, and his DNA was found on her, indicating he sexually assaulted her, according to court records. 

Crawford told police he had blackouts and only remembered parts of the crime, but not killing Ray. Later he admitted “he must of killed her” and led police to Ray’s body, according to court records. 

At his 1994 trial he presented an insanity defense, including that he suffered from psychogenic amnesia – periods of time lapse without memory. Medical experts who provided rebuttal testimony said Crawford didn’t have psychogenic amnesia and didn’t show evidence of bipolar illness. 

The last person executed in Mississippi was Richard Jordan in June, previously the state’s oldest and longest serving person on death row. 

There are 36 people on death row, according to records from the Mississippi Department of Corrections.  

This was a Friday night in 1978. Malcolm White, who planned to settle in New Orleans, was visiting Jackson. His Booneville buddy, the late Michael Rubenstein, then a popular Jackson TV sportscaster, suggested they dine at The Mayflower Cafe. And dine they did.

“The place was packed and there was a line waiting outside, and it seemed everyone knew everyone, and of course everyone knew Rube,” White remembers. “The fish was fantastic, the vibe even better. Everybody seemed to be smiling and laughing between bites. I looked a couple tables over and there sat Miss Eudora (Welty), herself, and of course she was having as much fun as everyone else. It just felt like home. It was definitely my kind of place. I had a similar experience at the old Cerami’s at the Reservoir the night before. But that night at The Mayflower I thought to myself, ‘Hmmmm, Jackson, this is a place I could live.’”

Forty-seven years later, White, who became Jackson’s arts and entertainment engine, has never left.

I moved to Jackson a year later, taking a job at The Clarion Ledger with no plans to make Jackson a permanent home. I had similar experiences at The Mayflower. Back then, The Mayflower stayed open until hungry people quit coming in, often well after midnight. We would put the finishing touches to the sports section around midnight and head to the ’Flower for redfish, oysters or soft-shell crab and something cold to drink. Lots of times, we already had eaten the blue plate lunch there, too. Mr. Mike (Kountouris), the longtime owner and an unforgettable character, took care of us. Friday nights were like homecoming. I am not telling you The Mayflower kept me in Jackson all these years, but I am telling you it has been an integral part of my life. It has been for so many. And Friday nights remain like homecoming.

What brings this all to mind this week was The New York Times listing of America’s Top 50 restaurants of 2025. The Mayflower Cafe made the list, along with such nationally renowned restaurants as Emeril’s in New Orleans, Sunny’s Steak House in Miami, and several of the newest, hippest restaurants in food meccas such as New York, Boston, Philadelphia and Los Angeles.

What sets The Mayflower apart on this week’s list: It opened its doors at the corner of Roach and Capitol 90 years ago. The next oldest restaurant of the Times’ Top 50 is Emeril’s, which opened in 1990. Clearly, The Mayflower endures. Indeed, Malcolm’s father and my dad were Mayflower regulars as far back as the early 1950s. Mississippi governors, political leaders, movers and shakers were regulars even before that. 

But it wasn’t so long ago we regulars feared The Mayflower’s days were numbered. Jerry Kountouris, Mr. Mike’s son who took over for him, was ready to retire and nobody in the Kountouris family wanted to continue the restaurant business. Jerry, who had somehow guided The Mayflower through the pandemic that closed so many restaurants across America, put the business up for sale. For the longest time there were no takers. On more than one occasion, Jerry confided he was ready to close the place.

Enter former Jackson Mayor Kane Ditto and business partner Mart Lamar, who bought the building and convinced Hunter Evans and Cody McCain, owners of the popular and award-winning Elvie’s in Belhaven (which made the same New York Times list in 2022), to run the restaurant. The “new” Mayflower, which kept so much of what made the old Mayflower so special, opened for business in August of 2024. It took all of a year for it to be named one of America’s top 50 restaurants.

Said Ditto, “I just thought it would be devastating for downtown Jackson, especially the west side, if The Mayflower closed. It would have been. I am just so happy we were able to keep it going, and I am happy for this recognition from The New York Times. It is richly deserved.”

It had to be a difficult balancing act for Evans, a James Beard Best Chef finalist, and McCain to decide what to keep of the old place and what to change. Perhaps the best move was to retain many of the people: wait staff, cooks, bussers and security. The menu has remained much the same, from the delectable onion rings to Redfish Jane. So have the sauces. The prices are higher, yes, but surely you have been to the grocery store lately.

Says Evans, “The hardest part was I felt like I had to explain to the old guard that we were not trying to come in here and make it about us and change everything. Our main goal was to preserve the history and story of The Mayflower. We thought the best way to do that was to renovate the dining room with some necessary changes. We didn’t just show up with new ideas and say, ‘Forget the old Mayflower.’ I called old regulars, I asked them about the menu and what they ate, I went to the Department of History and Archives. We care a lot about The Mayflower, everyone who has made this a part of their lives and the significance of this restaurant to our community.” 

Was there added pressure because of the place’s rich history?

“There was a little pressure, for sure, but we also understood what it would take to usher The Mayflower into the next 100 years as well as thrive in our community,” Evans answered. “That is why this recognition is so rewarding. We were able to help share this story that started so long ago. We are a small part in the life of this restaurant but we were able to share the story of this institution to the world.”

There are welcome menu additions such as the feta-brined fried chicken and Trout Amelia. There’s now an oyster bar and a happy hour. Oh, and yes, you need not leave the restaurant to use the restrooms, which are shiny and new and clean. Maybe it was part of the charm of the old Mayflower that, when nature called, you went outside, around the side of the building and up a narrow, dreary stairway to perhaps the most spartan toilets imaginable. I will always remember what my wife said one time, returning from the ladies’ room: “If I ever decide to commit suicide, I know just the place.”

So many memories and stories: 

• Of so many Mayflower nights with the late author and pal Willie Morris, who charmed everyone in the place and who almost always was the last customer to leave before they locked the doors behind him. When paying his tab, Willie once also wrote a check for $10,000 to my then 6-year-old son, and in the memo line he scribbled: “FOR BOOKS!” Willie usually ordered spaghetti, took it away in a to-go box and shared it with his cat, Spit McGee, sometime before dawn. To this day he remains the only person I ever knew to order spaghetti at The Mayflower.
• Of sitting in a booth with my family when the then-Governor and his wife stopped by to chat. The governor went on and on, as politicians do, as we put our dinner on pause. Finally, he left. Said my 3-year-old daughter: “Just who does he think he is?” Out of the mouth of babes…
• Of many lengthy lunches with the late Gov. William Winter who loved The Mayflower almost as much as he loved Mississippi. Every lunch was a history lesson. That’s where he told me about the Southeastern Conference’s first office being just down Roach Street on the 13th floor of the Standard Life Building. As a result of that lunch, a historic marker now marks the spot one block from the front door of The Mayflower.
• And this from Sandra Stevens Burns on Facebook: “My late husband, Warren Burns, was missing, in an Alzheimer’s haze. He was found standing in front of his beloved Mayflower, having walked there from Woodland Hills. When asked how he found it, he grinned and said, ‘I could smell the rolls.’”

For years, I had a long-running bet with Mr. Mike, who always grumbled about the sad state of the old King Edward Hotel, a crumbling home for pigeons and vagrants, just down Capitol Street from The Mayflower. Mr. Mike bet me he would die before the King Edward was either torn down or refurbished. As I often told him, it was a bet he couldn’t win because if he won I couldn’t pay him. He won. Mr. Mike died in 2005. The King Edward reopened as a Hilton Garden Inn in 2009. Mr. Mike was right. He usually was.

His beloved Mayflower Cafe will celebrate its 100th birthday in 2035. I am placing no bets but surely hope to be there. And I hope the soft-shells are in season.

Editor’s note: This essay is part of Mississippi Today Ideas, a platform for thoughtful Mississippians to share fact-based ideas about our state’s past, present and future. You can read more about the section here.

I’m a retired pediatrician and current medical educator. I’ve dedicated my life to caring for patients, training the next generation of physicians and advocating for healthcare access.

I also happen to live with a disability and use a wheelchair. For me, Medicaid is much more than a policy issue—it’s personal.

Despite the passage of the federal One Big Beautiful Bill Act, the most significant reductions in Medicaid funding will not take effect for at least two years, giving Congress an opportunity to correct its own mistake. Congress should mitigate the impacts of this legislation to help ensure patient access to care.

Beyond providing care for half of America’s children, Medicaid covers older adults, those in between jobs and people living with disabilities. Many of the people I’ve worked with – although not technically “disabled” – are still unable to work full time due to undiagnosed health conditions, limited access to employment and other barriers. Medicaid is often the only safeguard standing between them and disaster.

I often reflect on my early experience as a pediatrician during the rollout of the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) in the late 1990s. Until then, I had assumed most children had coverage, but when my clinic began accepting CHIP, I saw just how many families had been previously left behind.

That moment showed me just how essential healthcare advocacy is in my profession, which is why I strive to instill a passion for advocacy in the next generation of doctors.

Medicaid plays an outsized role in states like Mississippi where 60% of its recipients live in a rural area. In these underserved areas, Medicaid keeps clinics open and doctors caring for patients. Cutting the program now, when Americans and our healthcare systems are already struggling, would be heartbreaking.

Pediatric practices like mine will struggle to provide access, diagnoses and treatments might come later and at increased cost, and families will lose access to preventive care that keeps children out of the hospital.

My decades of work in Mississippi, particularly with children facing chronic conditions, have shown me how essential Medicaid remains.

Now, I’m deeply disappointed that the national conversation has shifted from expanding Medicaid access to protecting its survival.

After years working with civic and medical leaders to broaden Medicaid coverage, I now find myself forced to defend the program’s very existence.

Beyond providing for children, Mississippi nursing homes depend on Medicaid more than almost any other state, with nearly three in four residents enrolled in Medicaid. Cuts to the program would result in fewer staff and reduced services while placing a larger strain on facilities. Furthermore, even though seniors and people with disabilities make up just 35% of enrollees, they account for 66% of total Medicaid spending, illustrating the program’s role in supporting these vulnerable groups.

Although the One Big Beautiful Bill Act has been signed into law, implementation of Medicaid cuts still hangs in the balance. For example, of the nearly $1 trillion that is currently expected to be cut, the most impactful provisions won’t take place until 2027 or 2028, such as caps on provider taxes and state-directed payments, which help keep rural clinics open and operating.

Congress has ample time to reverse course and put patients first. Before the full severity of these cuts are implemented, lawmakers should roll back harmful cuts and changes to Medicaid to safeguard all Americans, as well as the hospitals and health systems that children, families and seniors depend on.

Bio: Dr. John Gaudet is a native Mississippian who has practiced pediatrics in Hattiesburg for many years. Since retirement, he has been involved in medical education, helping to train the next generation of physicians.

University of Mississippi announced it has terminated an employee due to “hurtful, insensitive comments” made on social media regarding the assassination of Charlie Kirk, CEO and co-founder of Turning Point USA and political far-right activist.  

University Chancellor Glenn Boyce released an official statement on the university’s social media pages Thursday stating that an unnamed employee was terminated after Kirk was fatally shot Wednesday while speaking on the Utah Valley University campus. 

“The comments run completely counter to our institutional values of civility, fairness and respecting the dignity of each person,” the statement said. “We condemn these actions and this staff member is no longer employed by the university.” 

The university did not identify the employee in its statement. It’s just one instance among many Thursday where educators at schools across the country were criticized or fired for their comments about Kirk after his death. 

The employee referred to actions that “reimagined Klan members like Kirk” have taken, ending the post with, “So, no, I have no prayers to offer Kirk or respectable statements against violence.”

Mississippi State Auditor Shad White, a vocal critic of what he calls “woke” initiatives in higher education, shared a post on X that may have alluded to an employee at the university and what was re-shared on social media. 

“To Ole Miss, did an Ole Miss employee just repost this insane reaction to Charlie Kirk’s murder? Answer,” White wrote. 

The attached photos to White’s post names Lauren Stokes, executive assistant to the vice chancellor of development at the university. She also has been publicly identified in other media. Stokes could not be reached for comment.

White’s post also shows the alleged reshared post that reads, ““For decades, yt [white] supremacist and reimagined Klan members like Kirk have wreaked havoc on our communities, condemning children and the populace at large to mass death for the sake of keeping their automatic guns.”

Neither university officials nor White’s office responded to Mississippi Today’s request for comment. 

Kirk was scheduled to appear at Ole Miss on Oct. 29, part of his “The American Comeback tour,” sponsored by his organization. 

It’s another high profile instance where White has used his platform to call out university employees and higher education leaders in the state for their beliefs he says are antithetical to conservative policy. 

In 2020, he pushed for a University of Mississippi professor to be fired after he stopped going to work for two weeks to protest racial inequality. More recently, he’s criticized Tommy Duff, former IHL board member, for his involvement in IHL policies surrounding diversity, equity and inclusion and other topics.  Both are considering a run for governor.

A special House committee on Thursday began work on three issues that have stumped Mississippi lawmakers for years: restoring voters’ right to sidestep the Legislature and put issues on a ballot, restoring voting rights to convicted felons and allowing people to easily vote before election day.

Members of the House Select Committee on Voters Rights heard from Samantha Buckley, director of policy for the Secure Democracy Foundation. Her presentation made clear that Mississippi is far behind the curve on dealing with these three voting rights issues.

House Speaker Jason White has tasked the bipartisan panel — one of four select committees he formed to tackle complex issues before the next legislative session — to hold public hearings on the issues and craft legislation.

“Once again, the House’s legislative priorities will be clear and informed from the start as we maintain our focus and energy on preparing for the 2026 legislative session,” he wrote recently of the select committees.

In MS, 52,000 can’t vote because of nonviolent records

Buckley told lawmakers that 46 other states allow some sort of automatic restoration of voting rights for people convicted of crimes who have completed their sentences. Mississippi is one of only four states with a difficult application process for restoration, and given that only 207 people here had their rights restored from 1997 to 2004, it’s process may be the most restrictive. It requires lawmakers to pass by a two-thirds margin in each chamber an individual bill for each person’s rights to be restored, or a governor’s pardon.

The Mississippi Constitution drafted in 1890 in the Jim Crow era of racial discrimination listed 10 disenfranchising crimes — offenses that state leaders at the time believed Black people were more likely to commit. Since then, attorneys general interpretations added many more nonviolent, disenfranchising crimes.

Buckley said about 52,000 Mississippians, or about 2% of the voting age population, currently cannot vote because they have nonviolent felony records.

Buckley said many states provide for automatic restoration of rights after someone serves their sentence, fulfills their probation or parole, and-or makes financial restitution. She said making it automatic saves states money and reduces bureaucracy. But she said making such changes in Mississippi would most likely require a change in the state constitution, a heavier lift requiring a statewide vote rather than just lawmakers passing a law.

Rep. Noah Sanford, a Republican from Collins co-chairing the select committee, said he believes reform of felony suffrage restitution can pass the House. Rep. Price Wallace, a Republican from Mendenhall and co-chair, said Speaker White’s focus on the issue with the select committee will help suffrage reform legislation’s chances.

“I think there is broad consensus among House members that restoration of voting rights for nonviolent offenders is the right thing to do,” Sanford said. “But we are not kings, and there are two other levels it has to go through (the Senate and governor).”

MS has had on-again, off-again ballot initiative rights

Mississippians’ right to place issues directly on a statewide ballot is, technically, enshrined in the state constitution.

Mississippians had the right to ballot initiative starting in 1914, but the state Supreme Court threw it out in 1922. Voters restored the right by passing a constitutional amendment in 1992, but the Supreme Court again nullified it on a technical issue in a lawsuit over voters passing a medical marijuana initiative in 2020.

The right to initiative in the state constitution includes requirements for gathering voter signatures from Mississippi’s five congressional districts. But in 2001, the state lost a district from population loss, and the court ruled the initiative inoperative. Since then, despite calls from voters and advocates to restore it, lawmakers have dickered over details and signature thresholds and failed to restore the right.

Buckley told lawmakers Thursday that the simplest way to restore the right would be to change constitutional language on signature gathering from five districts to four, or have language adapting to whatever number of districts the state has at the time of an initiative effort.

Buckley said 23 other states, plus the District of Columbia and U.S. Virgin Islands, have some sort of functioning ballot initiative process.

Lawmakers have debated how stringent the requirements for placing an issue directly before voters should be. Some fear sidestepping the state’s representative form of government could allow special interests with deep pockets to game the system. Others say the state’s previous requirements were too strict.

Buckley noted that, from 1992 until the high court ruling in 2021, Mississippi voters passed only three initiatives — one restricting eminent domain, one requiring voters to provide IDs and one (the court struck down) approving medical marijuana.

Mississippi’s ballot initiative in the past gave voters the right to change the state constitution. But lawmakers have also considered allowing it only for addressing state law.

Buckley said allowing it for state law might prove problematic because “when the public makes a decision, the Legislature could then change it back — what does that mean about the process?” She noted that states’ ballot initiative processes vary.

“No state really has a template,” she said. “Every state does it differently.”

Early voting faces uphill battle

Mississippi is one of three states — along with Alabama and New Hampshire — that does not allow in person early voting. In her presentation, she gave an example of the difficult process “Frank,” who would be out of town on Election Day, would have to go through to vote absentee beforehand in Mississippi.

Buckley said that in most states, in-person early voting “mimics most of Election Day practices.” She said it would reduce paperwork and clerical mistakes from Mississippi’s absentee voting process and mean shorter lines and less people walking away without voting on Election Day.

But early voting in Mississippi and other states has brought much debate, oftentimes partisan, with many Republican officials opposing it. Gov. Tate Reeves has been very vocal with his opposition to it.

Sanford said that of the three issues the committee is tackling, allowing early voting might face the most uphill battle.

“The governor remains opposed to early voting, and he’s made that extremely clear that it’s not subject to change,” Sanford said. “I’m not saying we are not going to work on early voting — compromise is the name of the game — but that may not be the focus as much as suffrage restoration and ballot initiative.”

A half hour into Jackson’s final budget meeting Wednesday, Councilmember Vernon Hartley wanted to know if — out of the hundreds of millions of dollars the city council was poised to pass in the annual budget — the city could allocate $2.5 million to blight control equipment. 

Pieter Teeuwissen, the chief administrative officer, leaned down from the dais to speak with one of his employees before offering a counter: That would work if Hartley dropped the number by a million. 

“No sir,” Hartley said.

Then Teeuwissen explained his hesitation: Like many officials in the council chambers, he lacked confidence in the accuracy of the city’s proposed budget book. 

“All this is numbers that none of us are willing to build our own financial houses on,” he said. “So I don’t want you allocating money beyond what my finance people say they are comfortable with.”

The uncertainty stems from the city’s failure to keep up with its audited financial statements — something many cities and towns across Mississippi struggle to execute. This concern led Mayor John Horhn’s administration to recommend the Jackson City Council adopt a generally flat budget this year. 

On Wednesday, the council passed the roughly $337 million budget, up from $325 million last year, Teeuwissen said, a difference that is due to the infusion of one-time funds, not substantial growth in the city’s general fund. 

Hartley ended up dropping his proposal by a million as Teeuwissen asked. Other changes the council made to Horhn’s proposed budget included amendments from Councilman Kenneth Stokes to give a discretionary raise for the lowest-paid city employees and add an additional $1 million to the police and fire departments after the city completes the back-due audits. One proposal that failed would have forced the administration to pay the zoo’s water bills.

“We need to show some money in this budget that’s just not fluff, not just some money in the sky that ain’t there,” Stokes said. 

Council President Brian Grizzell said after the meeting that due to the late audits, the council does not know how much money the city has in its fund balance. He described his level of confidence in the budget he had just passed as “moderate” and added he hoped to have more time to look at the numbers next year. 

“We haven’t passed an audit since I’ve been in office,” Grizzell said. “It’s always just been a really good guess.” 

To remedy that, Teeuwissen told Mississippi Today the mayor also hopes to consolidate some of the city’s 11 departments starting Oct. 1, when the new budget takes effect. 

The administration said the mergers, which will include reducing the number of city employees, will help in the event that the budget changes once the city’s audited financial statements are complete. 

“The main thing Jacksonians need to know is that — I’m trying to choose my words carefully — the city, the administration has proposed to the council a flat budget in light of the lack of audited financial data,” Teeuwissen told Mississippi Today. “It is also likely that the city budget will have to decrease during the fiscal year as audited numbers are received now.” 

To complicate matters, the audited financial statements will not answer every question facing the city’s budget, Teeuwissen said.

Take, for instance, longrunning concerns about the impact Jackson’s dwindling population will have on its tax base. Officials do not know the extent to which Jackson is missing out on revenue due to potentially low property tax collection rates, even as the city property tax revenues grew by $2 million to $68 million this year, according to Fidelis Malembeka, the chief financial officer. 

“You might lose population, but somebody’s property values still increase,” Malembeka said after the meeting. 

Overall, the city’s revenues fell by about $8 million from last year to $316 million, Malembeka said, mainly due to a decline in one-time funding. Revenue generally includes permits and fees, sales tax, grants and non-recurring funding such as the Siemens settlement.

If the administration truly lacked confidence in the city’s budget figures, they would have taken more drastic action than proposing a level budget, said Tina Clay, a council member who represents northwest Jackson.

“If that was the case you need to freeze everything until you get the audit,” she told Mississippi Today. 

Teeuwissen said the administration will be focusing on sensibly organizing city government, such as reinstituting monthly meetings with department-level fiscal officers, reviewing the finance department’s recordkeeping methods and moving services so they fall within the same department. 

“Right now, we do grass-cutting by contract, grass-cutting by community improvement and grass-cutting by Parks and Rec, and we’re supposed to have right-of-way maintenance by Public Works,” he said. “Three different departments and contractors all supposedly doing some version of the same thing but we really don’t have the left hand knowing what the right hand is doing.” 

The council on Tuesday passed a resolution supporting the mayor’s goal of consolidating and merging departments. Another way the city is attempting to coordinate efforts around infrastructure projects is an agreement approved Tuesday to share resources between the city and county, Clarion Ledger reported.

Councilman Kevin Parkinson told Mississippi Today he was relieved to know that the budget is not the end-all, be-all of the city’s spending power, as it can receive more revenue throughout the year in one-time payments, such as a $1 million grant the council accepted Tuesday from Jackson State University for beautification. 

“I think there’s many people, myself being one of them, that says as much as we want to re-examine everything from the ground up, I don’t know if we can start with a blank sheet of paper in a couple of months and meet the deadline that we have legally,” Parkinson said. 

The city’s budget needed to be finalized before Sept. 15. Over the past week, council members heard budget requests from individual city departments. Some of the needs included helping the community improvement division tackle blight, such as streetlights that are out across the city, improving police technology and purchasing new patrol vehicles, and reopening the Sykes Community Center. 

But moves like that depend on coordination across the system — which, an exchange toward the end of the council meeting illustrated, is lacking in Jackson. 

In an effort to help the legal department, which was considering moving buildings due to HVAC issues, Foote proposed the city put an additional $1 million into the fund for the care and maintenance of public buildings. 

Then Foote learned from Sharon Thames, the deputy chief financial officer, that Jackson already has $710,000 for HVAC repairs set aside in a different fund, one that’s for the “repair and replacement” of city infrastructure. 

Thames explained the monies weren’t listed in the budget book where Foote had looked.

“I mean, this is crazy, people are packing up and getting ready to move when we have money in our budget,” Foote responded. “We’re not communicating well across the system if the money is there, and then we’re being told by the legal department they have to move out because the money to fix their HVAC isn’t there?”

“I mean, to kind of answer your question on the legal (department), that building belongs to JRA (Jackson Redevelopment Authority), not to the city of Jackson,” Thames said. 

“JRA belongs to the city of Jackson,” Foote shot back. Clay shook her head and other council members laughed. 

“Well, yeah, but they don’t like to share their money,” Thames quipped.

(JRA Director Christopher Pike told Mississippi Today Thursday that his agency, a partner to the city, deploys its funding on programming and building maintenance — it’s not as much a matter of not sharing as it is having limited resources — and that it stands ready to assist with these concerns).

Teeuwissen chimed in. 

“As a practical matter I’m with you,” he said to Foote. “If that money was available, that should have been clear so y’all could decide how to address the problem or how to proceed.”

“Somebody in the chain of command needs to know there’s $750,000,” Foote said. 

“Councilman Foote, there’s been no chain of command,” Teeuwissen responded.

At least 42 people have been killed inside Mississippi prisons in the past decade, leaving scores of grieving families questioning a system that fails to protect people in its custody or hold anyone accountable.

There are sisters wracked with guilt, mothers with depression, and children struggling to fill the voids in their lives. Former prison employees talk about lying sleepless in bed, replaying the killings they’ve witnessed but could not stop.

In Mississippi, prison homicides are the culmination of long-documented festering problems: chronic understaffing, lax oversight, gangs that rule by violence and delays in treating life-threatening injuries, an investigation by a statewide reporting team found.

Murders signal “catastrophic failures” of prison administrators, whose number one job is to keep incarcerated people safe, said David Fathi, director of the ACLU National Prison Project.

The perpetrators haven’t faced justice in most cases. Just six of the 42 homicides have led to convictions. 

And the killings show no sign of ending. In the first half of this year, there were five homicides in three Mississippi prisons.

Sydney Miller said her family was given almost no details by prison officials after her elder brother, Gregory Emary, was stabbed to death at the Chickasaw County Regional Facility in Houston in 2020. 

Over the past five years, they have received no contact from prison investigators or prosecutors about what happened or if someone would be held responsible. Miller did not know Emary’s death had been deemed a homicide by a medical examiner until a reporter told her. She wonders if her family would have been treated the same way if her brother had been killed on the outside. 

“So why is this any different?” Miller asked. “Just because it was committed inside prison walls?”

‘No one deserves to die like this’

Uncovering the toll of Mississippi’s prison homicides took a team of reporters from five news organizations: The Marshall Project – Jackson, Mississippi Today, the Clarion Ledger, Hattiesburg American and The Mississippi Link. The team scoured thousands of pages of court records, corrections documents, federal and state government death records, and interviewed families, formerly incarcerated people, former guards, attorneys and corrections experts. 

The investigation found that the Mississippi State Penitentiary in Parchman, which holds about 2,500 people, has had the most killings in the past decade. At least 19 people died in homicides at Parchman from 2015 through 2024.

For most of this time period, the homicide rate among people inside Parchman was five times higher than the state as a whole, which already had the highest rate in the country in 2023.

Lack of consistent and accurate reporting nationwide makes a state-by-state comparison of prison homicides difficult. The reporting team identified three Mississippi homicides that were not listed in federal and state reports.

Most of the 42 killings throughout the state prison system involved beatings or stabbings, sometimes involving multiple assailants. Three in five victims were Black. The age of the victims ranged from 23 to 62. 

Mississippi Department of Corrections officials declined multiple requests for an interview about killings across the prison system, but released an emailed statement. “MDOC remains committed to ensuring the safety of inmates in its custody,” the agency wrote.

Many of the people who were killed in Mississippi’s prisons were sent there after being convicted of offenses that included parole and probation violations, as well as more serious crimes, including robbery and murder. At least a quarter were serving life sentences. Although prison officials have a legal duty to protect all incarcerated people from harm, they could not protect them from death at the hands of cellmates, rival gang members or other incarcerated people.

In one case, a corrections officer pleaded guilty to accessory after the fact in a 2021 murder.

Detrick Munford, who served as deputy warden of Parchman until 2022, said the number of unprosecuted homicides doesn’t surprise him.

Mississippi officials didn’t install many of the cameras at Parchman until after 2020, so in many cases, there was no way to prove who was responsible for a death, he said. Anyone who witnessed a killing “is not going to talk,” he said, alluding to the prison culture of violent retribution, “because he knows what might happen to him.”

MDOC often shares sparse details about prison homicides, if any at all, even with the families of the victims. Nearly all internal investigations into the killings are hidden from the public because the state’s open records law exempts all law enforcement investigative files.

Although many of the recent homicides were filmed by security cameras and some of those responsible are known to corrections officials based on internal reports, local prosecutors filed charges against suspects in 36% of the homicides in the past decade.

MDOC officials responded in their email that prison officials take “every death of an inmate in its custody seriously. Each suspected homicide is investigated…The remaining investigations that are closed did not support a referral (for prosecution).”

In one criminal case, a charge was filed, but the Marshall County District Attorney’s office essentially forgot to prosecute the suspect nearly four years after the prison killing. The indictment had gotten lost in the bureaucracy, District Attorney Ben Creekmore later acknowledged in an interview. It was reactivated only after a reporter from the news team called him about the case.

The prospect of criminal prosecution, however, is likely of little concern to someone already serving a multi-decade sentence. The continued killings show how the prison system has not significantly addressed its failures to prevent homicides. The reporting team identified one person who pleaded guilty to manslaughter for a killing in one prison, then allegedly went on to kill again in another prison. He is awaiting trial on the second homicide charge and is currently serving a 40-year sentence.

DeAndre Davis was serving a life sentence when he was stabbed to death in 2017 in the Wilkinson County Correctional Facility in Woodville, months after he was stabbed in another attack at the same prison. At the sentencing hearing for the man convicted of the killing, Davis’ mother, Victorra Williams, said she didn’t understand why her son died, because he was supposed to be in isolation after he received a death threat. 

“No one deserves to die like this,” she told the judge.

“I understand that they are in prison, and I understand that they are (caged), but I don’t understand you are in prison and you are steady killing each other for no reason,” Williams said. “That’s just — that’s crazy.” 

Punishment after killing: loss of privileges

Growing up, Marcie Harper protected her baby brother, Joshua Odom. He was smaller than the other kids, so she fought his fights. She called him her Cabbage Patch Kid because of his big blue eyes and bald head. Her brother grew into a wiry man who loved to fish, gaining him the nickname Catfish.

“I was always there for him,” Harper said.

But Odom developed a drug problem that landed him in and out of prison, locked away from his big sister, who couldn’t always afford to visit or talk to him on the phone. 

She could not be there to protect her brother on Jan. 12, 2025. 

He died, a casualty of prison violence, lax security and questionable medical care that gave superficial treatment to a head wound that would prove fatal. 

Odom was incarcerated at South Mississippi Correctional Institution in Leakesville. His friend Shelby Peevyhouse, who has a pacemaker, had just gotten into a fight and been kicked in the chest. As Odom came over to check on his friend, Peevyhouse said later, another incarcerated person punched Odom, knocking him to the ground, where he hit his head and fell unconscious.

When Odom came to, guards were restraining him, Peevyhouse said from prison.

“Don’t kill him. He needs your help,” Peevyhouse pleaded with the guards as they wrestled Odom. Both men were taken to the medical wing.

“Catfish was laying there screaming for help in a medical gurney to the left of me, calling for his mama,” Peevyhouse said. 

Guards declined to call an ambulance and went home, as their shifts were ending, Peevyhouse said. Instead, he said, a medical staffer glued Odom’s head wound shut and sent both injured men back to their housing unit. 

Odom, though, was dazed. He couldn’t even say his name. Peevyhouse tried to keep his friend awake. 

“I did not know what to do,” Peevyhouse said. “I was so scared.”

As Odom began vomiting a “pink foam,” Peevyhouse banged on a window. He says he told a guard coming around for a count to call medical or else he would start a fire. 

A medical worker took Odom away in a wheelchair. “Hey, smile a little,” Odom said before being wheeled off. Peevyhouse lit a cigarette for his friend, told him he loved him, and that he would be there when Odom got back. This time, an ambulance was called. It was too late. 

The next morning, Peevyhouse found out Odom was dead. 

“He was my best friend. This is really hard for me,” Peevyhouse said repeatedly.

The state medical examiner ruled Odom’s death a homicide by blunt force trauma. Because his alleged attacker was never criminally charged, the reporting team is not naming him. Imprisoned on a domestic violence conviction, he is scheduled for release by 2028.

The suspect was issued a disciplinary citation for assaulting another person. Prisons use a rules violation book that outlines dozens of actions that are prohibited inside prison walls, from hoarding food to attacking others. According to a rule violation report obtained by the reporting team, guards used security camera footage to confirm the assault.

The suspect’s punishment was the loss of 180 days of earned time — time that would have reduced his sentence for good conduct — as well as lost phone and visitation privileges for 60 days, and he was held responsible for Odom’s medical costs, which were not listed. He did not receive a higher violation for causing Odom’s death. The next day, he was transferred to another facility, which is MDOC’s standard procedure.

State Rep. Becky Currie, a registered nurse, has publicly criticized VitalCore, the company contracted to provide medical care in the state’s prisons, after meeting and receiving letters from incarcerated people who claim they were not getting care for treatable illnesses and injuries. 

“It is hard for me to hear that (MDOC) feels that they provide adequate care,” Currie told Mississippi Today. 

A spokesperson for VitalCore told Mississippi Today that the company provides “comprehensive and competent health care services in accordance with prevailing standards of care.”

After Odom’s death, his sister said the family could not get a clear story from prison officials.

The official who called their mother said Odom had been found hurt and died at the hospital. It wasn’t until someone connected to Peevyhouse sent her a Facebook message that she found out that her brother died waiting for an ambulance.

The 40-year-old Odom, incarcerated since 2018 after being convicted of burglary and credit card fraud, was supposed to be released in a few weeks, his family said.

“I just wish I had something of his,” Harper said. Instead, all she has left are memories and his ashes, which the family plans to scatter in the Gulf, where he loved to fish, on his birthday. 

Soon, she’ll also have a tattoo of a catfish on a hook with a phrase he always told her: “Keep your head up.”

Constitutional violations, few answers

Odom’s death came less than a year after the federal Department of Justice found that three Mississippi prisons — including the South Mississippi prison where he had been held — violated the constitutional rights of the more than 7,400 people housed in them by failing to protect them from widespread violence. The investigation listed numerous failures: gross understaffing, assaults that are likely undercounted because of this lack of staff supervision, gang brawls involving dozens of people, violent incidents that go uninvestigated, and bungled investigations that lead nowhere.

The Justice Department had found similar violations in a 2022 investigation of the Mississippi State Penitentiary in Parchman. 

What Odom’s family experienced is common. The reporting team found that the families of other incarcerated people killed in prison were often left without answers. Many of those interviewed learned details about their loved ones’ deaths through a whisper network of incarcerated people, insiders, advocates, and, in some cases, from journalists. 

Some families contacted lawyers, attempting to file civil suits, only to find out that no one would take their cases.

“I literally just gave up on it,” said Dale Graham, whose brother was killed in the Central Mississippi Correctional Facility in 2021. “Nothing happened.”

Currie, a Brookhaven Republican, who chairs the state’s House Corrections Committee, has raised questions about how the prisons are run, including the health and safety of the incarcerated.

She said prison killings show that violence is rampant inside the state’s prisons, and that it’s amplified by issues such as contraband and gangs. 

“Whatever the cause of death is, I think the families are owed an answer,” she said. “Was my loved one killed? Was it that their diabetes wasn’t tended to? What was the cause of death?” Currie asked. “And I do not know of one family that’s ever received that answer.”

She has wondered how seemingly healthy men die in Mississippi’s prisons. Currie said she plans to introduce legislation to create a group of lawmakers and prison officials to look into all prison deaths, which can serve as a guide on how to prevent future deaths. 

In a written response to reporters’ questions, MDOC said the department has taken several corrective measures since the Justice Department began investigating the prison system in 2020, including improved training, facility upgrades and increased staffing.

MDOC said the Justice Department’s investigation is ongoing, and both sides are engaged in confidential settlement negotiations. 

A deadly prison economy

Violent deaths in Mississippi prisons tend to lead back to the same factors: understaffing, poor training, and gang control, according to lawyers, experts, former corrections staffers interviewed, and the Justice Department reports. 

Prison guards, many of whom are young and female, are poorly trained and sometimes left alone to oversee units holding as many as 180 men, according to Catina Washington, a former MDOC case manager who said she was assaulted in December 2020 by an incarcerated person at the South Mississippi prison. Her attacker was charged with simple assault, but the charge was later dropped due to conflicting witness testimony.

Guards make decisions on whether a sick or injured person can see a prison nurse or even go to a hospital. 

“We don’t realize how much trust of another person’s life we put into the hands of correctional officers,” said Greta Kemp Martin, formerly the litigation director of Disability Rights Mississippi. “They literally hold your life in their hands.”

Poor oversight allows gang members to take advantage of the security gaps, buying and selling illegal drugs and cellphones, sometimes with the help of prison guards whom they recruit to smuggle contraband in. The reporting team identified several criminal cases in which corrections officers were charged with bringing in drugs or cellphones. Martin said some incarcerated clients have told her about correctional officers who share gang affiliations with them. 

The gangs run a brutal underground economy. A debt to the wrong person can cost a life, as it did for 31-year-old Jeremy Irons, who was killed over $40 in Parchman, federal and state reports showed. 

The Justice Department’s investigations found that the facilities operated at dangerously low staffing levels. In 2022, the Central Mississippi prison was operating with 44% of the employees needed to run the facility. At the South Mississippi prison, where Odom was later killed, the facility ran with 36% of the necessary employees. And in Wilkinson County’s prison, a human resources manager told investigators that the officer vacancy rate hovered around 50%.

Chronic understaffing is a key factor in prison homicides across the nation, said Fathi, of the ACLU National Prison Project. And what staff there is may be poorly trained to handle violence.

Former MDOC staffers reported that their training was rushed, leaving them unprepared for the dangers of the job. 

“Parchman is all about ‘We’re gonna hurry up and get you out of class, throw your ass out there, because we need people to watch the inmates,” a former correctional officer, who did not want his name used for fear of retaliation, told a reporter. “Many times I’ve seen people get killed right in front of me, and it really wasn’t nothing you could really do, because you ain’t but one person.”

Chuck Mullins, a lawyer who has represented Mississippi families in wrongful prison death cases for decades, said in many of the death cases he has litigated, he found that staff were either not present or poorly trained.

Chronic understaffing and poor training endanger both the incarcerated people and corrections staff, leaving many who remain fearful to do their jobs. The Justice Department’s reports cited multiple instances of staff failing or refusing to do security counts and falsifying count sheets. 

Disciplinary reports reviewed by the reporting team show corrections officers being overpowered, beaten, choked, stabbed, spit on and sprayed with human waste. 

Fatal beating overlooked for five hours

Army veteran Ronnie Graham survived combat in Iraq. He survived cancer.

He did not survive nine days inside the Central Mississippi Correctional Facility in Pearl. 

In the early hours before dawn in December 2021, prison security camera footage captured a man attacking Graham near his bunk, choking and kicking him in the head, according to federal and state records reviewed by the reporting team. 

Throughout the night, Graham passed in and out of consciousness. Later, another person punched him in the face. More than five hours later, an officer found Graham and called for help. By then, his body was rigid, and he was foaming at the mouth. Graham died soon after help arrived. 

For at least five hours, Graham suffered. And for most of that time, guards were nowhere to be found. An investigative report noted that an officer turned the lights off in the unit about 45 minutes after Graham was attacked, but no officer walked through to check on the welfare of the men held there. 

“If someone would have done their job that night, he would still be alive today,” his brother, Dale Graham, said. “But because someone didn’t do their job, my brother is now dead.”

No one was charged in Graham’s death.

Lawsuits and internal prison reports show that, on multiple occasions, guards did not find a dead person for hours.

Earlier this year, Jonathan Havard was strangled in the Wilkinson County Correctional Facility. A parent, who found out about the death through unknown means, notified the prison that someone in Havard’s cell was dead, according to an internal MDOC report. 

Last year, a group of roughly 10 people beat and stabbed 28-year-old Edward Boyd to death at East Mississippi Correctional Facility in Lauderdale County, according to a lawsuit his family filed against the private prison company that operates the lockup, Management & Training Corp. The suit stated that the attackers killed him “in plain view of surveillance camera” and then “dragged (Boyd) into a cell, where they left him to die.” 

He was found covered in blood during a morning count. The lawsuit alleges that a correctional officer wrote in a report that they had last seen Boyd alive and well during a 4 a.m. count. However, there was no evidence of a count being conducted at 4 a.m., according to the lawsuit.

In response to the lawsuit, MTC denied any negligence or wrongdoing. The case is pending in federal court.

Dead-end investigations

When someone is killed in a Mississippi prison, typically, the department conducts an investigation. It interviews staff, witnesses, sometimes confidential informants, people it believes to be complicit in the death, and reviews camera footage.  

MDOC sometimes requests help from the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation. 

However, the U.S. Justice Department found many investigations by the department were incomplete, failed to answer key questions or were mishandled. 

Investigations of homicides that stemmed from fights over drug debts routinely ignored the source of the drugs or failed to conduct follow-up interviews.

During the 2022 Parchman investigation, a supervisor in MDOC’s investigative division told Justice Department officials that the caseload was too heavy and staffers were too overworked to conduct comprehensive investigations.

For example, after Jeremy Irons was stabbed to death in 2019, the internal investigation concluded that one incarcerated person stabbed him and flushed the weapon down the toilet. 

The investigation into Irons’ death relied on one written statement from a trainee officer. No other staff was interviewed. However, several other people took part in the fight, which stemmed from Irons’ $40 debt to another person, according to the Justice Department. 

After MDOC concludes its investigations, it may pass its findings along to local county district attorneys, who can then seek an indictment from a grand jury. 

In an August 2019 case, Samuel Wade was strangled to death at Parchman. The Justice Department’s investigation references an incarcerated person strangled with a bedsheet that month. The victim’s cellmate allegedly confessed to the killing, and MDOC referred the case to the Sunflower County district attorney, according to the investigation. After six years, however, no charges have been filed.

Sunflower County District Attorney Dewayne Richardson has not responded to multiple interview requests.

Criminal charges have only been filed in five of the 19 killings in Parchman over the past decade. Four of those cases are pending in the courts. The fifth was dismissed after the defendant died by suicide.

Other district attorneys with prisons in their counties did not respond to requests for comment or declined to comment on open cases. 

Experts said secrecy around prison operations and the lack of oversight, coupled with the general public’s lack of concern toward incarcerated people, allow the long-documented abuses and civil rights violations to continue. 

Reforms to reduce deaths in custody have been hampered by “the secrecy that pervades prisons and jails,” said Andrea Armstrong, a Loyola University New Orleans law professor and leading researcher on deaths behind bars.

Many of the prison incident records the reporting team obtained came with scant narratives or with entire sections blacked out, even though such records are public under the state’s open records law.

In the past decade, at least five families of people killed in Mississippi prisons have filed civil lawsuits against the Department of Corrections or Management & Training Corp. However, documents in these lawsuits, such as evidence and settlement details, are often sealed or protected by confidentiality agreements.

For the incarcerated people who have been killed, their families are left with little, other than despair. 

“This (is) an unimaginable pain you all gave me. This grief will last forever,” one victim’s mother wrote in a court statement for the upcoming trial of the prison murder of her son. 

“People talk about justice. They say it’s blind. But justice shouldn’t be silent. It shouldn’t turn away when someone dies in state custody,” she wrote. “If the state takes responsibility for a person’s life, it should also be held accountable when that life is lost.” 

Caleb Bedillion of The Marshall Project – Jackson, Grant McLaughlin of the Clarion Ledger, Jerry Mitchell of Mississippi Today, and Christopher Young of The Mississippi Link contributed to this report.

This story is part of a reporting collaboration with The Marshall Project, Mississippi Today, the Clarion Ledger, Hattiesburg American and The Mississippi Link.