The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
Notes, quotes and an opinion or three:
The educated guess here is that Trinidad Chambliss will be the starting quarterback for Ole Miss when the Rebels open the 2026 season against Louisville at Nashville on either Sept. 5 or 6.
Rick Cleveland
Yes, I know, the NCAA has denied Chambliss’s initial request for a sixth year of eligibility. But Ole Miss has appealed that decision, and Chambliss has petitioned for both temporary and permanent restraining orders against the NCAA. That case will be heard in the Chancery Court of Lafayette County, about a mile from Vaught-Hemingway Stadium and a decided home field advantage for Chambliss and Ole Miss.
Lose there – as we presume the NCAA will – and the NCAA could appeal to the the Mississippi Supreme Court. Not exactly the most neutral of sites, either.
A decision on the temporary restraining order could come as early as this week. Should the TRO be granted, the legal process to decide the permanent restraining order could take weeks or even months and possibly not be decided until 2027, by which time Chambliss will be preparing for the NFL Draft.
There is also a chance that the NCAA will regroup, consider the likelihood of losing in Mississippi courts (and the cost involved there) and grant the Ole Miss appeal in the near future.
Either way, Chambliss and Ole Miss win.
•••
Should Chambliss be allowed to play another season of college football? Your answer depends on your allegiance. But consider this: Carson Beck was leading Miami into Monday night’s national championship game in his sixth year of college football. We don’t know if Beck, a multimillionaire at 23, will take the team bus to Hard Rock Stadium or make the short drive over in his Lamborghini.
We do know that Beck has made sort of a mockery of the education element of college football during the lead-up to the national championship game against Indiana. Beck graduated from the University of Georgia in 2023. Asked last week if he had attended classes at Miami in the week leading up to the game, Beck responded, “No class. I graduated two years ago.”
Meanwhile, Indiana will be quarterbacked by Heisman winner Fernando Mendoza, a mere 22-year-old who graduated from the University of California last year and has one year of college eligibility remaining. Mendoza is expected to forego that final year of eligibility to likely be the first pick of the upcoming NFL Draft.
You ask me, the best way to prevent these seemingly endless eligibility issues is to give college athletes five years to complete their careers. That would be five years to play as many as five seasons. You could solve other problems by allowing for only one transfer during those five years.
•••
Don’t look now, but Ole Miss is starting to play basketball the way we have become accustomed to Chris Beard-coached teams playing. The Rebels won their third straight game Saturday night, edging Mississippi State 68-67 at Starkville. The victory lifted Ole Miss to 11-7 overall and 3-2 in the SEC, good for a seven-way tie for third place and only one game out of first. State dropped to 10-8, 2-3.
Just goes to show you how fast things can change in the SEC. Ten days ago Ole Miss was 0-2 and in last place. Ten days ago, Mississippi State was 2-0 and tied for first.
Ole Miss plays host to Auburn at 8 p.m. Tuesday. State plays at Texas A&M Wednesday night at 8.
Five games into the SEC schedule, the league has never seemed more balanced. Thirteen of the 16 teams are within two games of first place.
•••
d1baseball.com last week came out with its pre-season college baseball poll and Mississippi State, unranked in the final 2025 poll, has zoomed to No. 4 in the first poll of 2026. Southern Miss was ranked No. 20. Eleven SEC teams, not including Ole Miss, were ranked. No. 6 Coastal Carolina was the only other Sun Belt team ranked.
Believe it or not, opening weekend for D1 teams is just 25 days away.
The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
A Chancery Court judge has agreed to dissolve a partnership formed to profit from uninsured motorists whose license plates were captured by traffic cameras in Ocean Springs, Biloxi and other Mississippi cities.
A politically prominent trio of Mississippians formed QJR LLC to run the uninsured motorist program in Mississippi with Jonathan Miller, chairman of Georgia-based Securix LLC. Miller and his company have a proprietary system that randomly checks license plate numbers against state databases to identify uninsured vehicles and ticket their owners through law enforcement agencies.
Miller and Securix started the program in Ocean Springs, signing a contract in May 2021 with the city. Miller then teamed up with QJR, whose members are Quinton Dickerson and Josh Gregory of Frontier Strategies advertising firm in the metro Jackson area, plus attorney Robert Wilkinson of Pascagoula.
Frontier manages high-profile state and local political campaigns, while Wilkinson was city attorney for Ocean Springs when the partners formed Securix Mississippi to spread the potentially profitable program to more cities and states. Miller was supposed to manage the technology, while an operating agreement between his company and QJR stipulated that only QJR would handle marketing and direct contact with Mississippi customers.
Motorist ticketing program unravels
The partnership began to unravel within a month, Josh Gregory testified in Chancery Court before Judge Harris. Miller failed to show up for the trial. He was representing himself after Harris excused Miller’s attorney from the case in October, when the attorney-client relationship had completely broken down.
QJR filed its lawsuit against Miller and Georgia Securix in September 2024, asking that Harris dissolve Securix Mississippi and order Miller to stop defaming QJR and its members and levy punitive damages against him. The lawsuit was sealed for more than a year, although Harris did not follow established procedure for removing the case from public view. He unsealed most, but not all, records in the case after statewide media company Mississippi Today, later joined by the Sun Herald, objected to the sealing.
Harris decided that Securix Mississippi bank records would remain sealed — again without establishing a need to prevent public access to the entire bank record.
By the time QJR filed its lawsuit, the state Department of Public Safety had cut off Securix Mississippi’s access to the database of uninsured motorists after receiving at least one complaint from Miller about how Securix Mississippi was operating.
Gregory testified that Miller was not supposed to be communicating with public officials, according to their operating agreement. He said Securix Mississippi had ceased operations by 2025 and has no remaining assets. The company had previously pulled in $1.3 million in a year, according to records in a federal case that motorists filed in August 2023 against Georgia Securix.
MS partner testifies about Securix
Gregory testified that Miller was spreading false rumors of criminal wrongdoing against him and QJR. Miller sent emails and letters to public officials, including Public Safety Commissioner Sean Tindell, and others. Miller claimed QJR was misusing sensitive personal information about vehicle owners that only law enforcement officers were supposed to access.
“Pretty much everything he wrote, via email, letter or post, was untrue,” Gregory testified. “ . . . If he didn’t get his way, he would send email after email, to the point that we had to block his emails. They were excessive.”
Gregory said that QJR had attempted to keep Miller out of day-to-day operations in Mississippi because the program Miller and Georgia Securix ran in Ocean Springs was “such a disaster.” One of Miller’s later allegations was that Wilkinson was involved in the Ocean Springs program and shared in its profits, which Gregory testified was “completely untrue.”
Commissioner Tindell pulled Securix access to the uninsured motorist database in August 2023, court records show, after a letter from Miller alleged the program was being mismanaged.
Gregory testified that Miller did not provide documentation of the wrongdoing that he alleged.
Judge Harris has found Miller in contempt of court multiple times, but Miller has not returned to Mississippi and still owes more than $63,603 in attorney’s fees that Harris ordered the businessman to pay QJR’s attorney, Jaklyn Wrigley. Harris ordered the fees paid after finding that Miller had wrongly tried to move QJR’s case to federal court. The federal judge sent the case back to Harris.
In addition to dissolving Securix Mississippi, Harris also could consider QJR’s request for punitive damages against Miller and Georgia Securix, along with other relief QJR is seeking.
“While the other side did not show up for court yet again, we continued to provide the facts about this matter and are glad to be moving toward the resolution we’ve been advocating for since the start of this process more than a year ago,” said Jaklyn Wrigley, attorney for QJR.
The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
Republican Speaker Jason White got his omnibus education overhaul/school-choice bill through the House last week, but it was a squeaker for the speaker.
The vote was 61-59 with 17 of White’s GOP supermajority peeling off and voting no, and two either absent or “taking a walk” and not voting.
White put on a full-court press in whipping reluctant Republicans to vote for the measure, which would, notably, allow families to use state tax dollars for private schooling.
Last week White invoked President Donald Trump and secured a social media endorsement for the bill from Trump Education Secretary Linda McMahon. White has touted letters of endorsement from the state’s Catholic dioceses and other religious groups supporting school choice that could garner their school systems public money. And famed football star Tim Tebow is coming to Mississippi this week to promote the “Tim Tebow Act” part of the House bill that would allow homeschooled kids to play public-school sports.
But opposition to the bill appears more grassroots, and lawmakers are getting calls from their school superintendents and teachers back home urging them to oppose it.
Can White keep his razor-thin vote together for what promises to be an uphill battle for House Bill 2? Senate Republican leaders have declared the House school-choice bill — at least the part about using tax dollars for private schools — dead on arrival.
A win-one-for-the-Gipper campaign, even with Trump as the Gipper, might not be enough to keep the bill alive through a battle with the Senate, especially if House supermajority votes are needed to do so later in the session.
When Trump says jump, Republican Mississippi politicians typically only ask “how high?”
But so far, this appears to be the odd occurrence where a majority of Republicans in the 174-member Legislature in ruby red, Trump-supporting Mississippi are prepared to buck a proposal from his White House.
Quote of the Week
“If little Johnny’s momma is on crystal meth, and little Johnny’s daddy is a pimp, can you tell me how they (are) gonna be able to choose that little Johnny is getting the right kind of education services when that’s not even on their plate?” — Rep. John Hines, during debate over accountability for private schools if the Legislature approves letting parents use tax dollars to pay tuition.
In Brief
Legislation would support nuclear expansion in MS
State officials have signaled they are open to expanding nuclear power development in the state.
Bills to support this have been proposed in the House and Senate, driven in part by demand for power created by data centers popping up all over the South and Mississippi to support the artificial intelligence boom.
A bill authored by Sen. Joel Carter, a Republican from Gulfport, would provide $10 million to the Mississippi Development Authority to spend on “future nuclear development” for the upcoming fiscal year. A House bill by Rep. Jody Steverson, a Republican from Ripley, would create a special fund for MDA to administer nuclear site development grants, including reimbursement for some expenses. – Katherine Lin
Antisemitism bill would exempt reporting from DEI ban
Mississippi captured international attention last week after a 19-year-old Madison man allegedly set fire to the state’s largest synagogue, allegedly for its “Jewish ties.”
In the Legislature, Rep. Lee Yancey, a Republican from Brandon, has introduced a bill to combat what he says is a “historic rise in antisemitic violence, harassment and discrimination targeting Jewish students” at K-12 schools and in the higher education system.
The bill would require public schools to prohibit and report antisemitic discrimination and use the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance working definition of antisemitism, which has been adopted by several other state legislatures. Notably, the bill exempts all its provisions of a law the Legislature passed last year to ban DEI statements. This could mean that public school might be required to implement measures that might otherwise be considered DEI-related. – Michael Goldberg
Senate considering pieces of House ed plan
Senate leaders have started filing education bills that mirror portions of the massive education package the House passed Thursday.
This includes a bill that would allow homeschooled children to play public school sports and another that would establish a math program modeled after the 2013 literacy act. It’s a sign that the Senate is going to kill the House bill — after they pick the sections that they like.
Another education issue showing up in both chambers: cellphone bans. Both the House and the Senate have filed multiple bills that restrict or prohibit the usage of cellphones in school.
Youth mental health concerns have resulted in similar bans in at least 11 other states. A bill that would have required Mississippi school boards to create cell phone policies died last year, but several Mississippi school districts have since passed their own policies, including Jackson Public Schools and Madison County. – Devna Bose
More money for career coaching proposed
Rep. Donnie Bell, a Republican from Fulton, has proposed a bill to provide $20 million to expand a career coaching program for middle- and high-school students.
The career coaching program under Accelerate Mississippi, the state’s office of workforce development, helps students figure out their post graduation paths.
In a Senate Appropriations Committee meeting last week week, Courtney Taylor, director of Accelerate Mississippi, said there are currently 204 career coaches that serve 209 schools. The office has identified healthcare, advanced manufacturing and construction as priority career fields. – Katherine Lin
Sales tax exemption for farmers considered
Farmers are being squeezed from both sides with high input costs and low crop prices.
While there are larger economic forces at play, a bill authored by Sen. Neil Whaley, a Republican from Potts Camp and chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, would exempt commercial farmers from the 1.5% state sales tax on some agricultural and logging equipment. Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann has also championed this exemption. – Katherine Lin
Stand-alone tourism department considered again
A bill to create a Department of Tourism has once again passed the Senate.
A bill authored by Sen. Lydia Chassaniol, a Republican from Winona and chair of the Tourism Committee, would remove tourism from the purview of the Mississippi Development Authority.
Last year, a similar bill was vetoed by Gov. Tate Reeves over funding issues, and the issue has been debated for years. In 2024, tourism contributed over $18 billion to the state’s economy and provided 136,094 jobs. – Katherine Lin
Bill would create Bobbie Gentry Day
Rep. Sam Creekmore IV, a Republican from New Albany, has filed legislation to designate June 3 as Bobbie Gentry Day in Mississippi — a nod to the date that Gentry once described in a song as “another sleepy, dusty Delta day.” The bill would honor Gentry, born Roberta Lee Streeter, a singer-songwriter from Woodland in northeastern Mississippi’s Chickasaw County. Gentry rose to national prominence in 1967 with her hit “Ode to Billie Joe,” a haunting song in which an unnamed narrator learns that Billie Joe McAllister has died after jumping from the Tallahatchie Bridge. Gentry has not made public appearances for decades and has largely avoided speaking with fans or the media, including in her home state. – Taylor Vance
Workers’ Compensation exemption proposed
A new exception to the workers’ compensation law would allow employers to not pay workers’ compensation for death or injury when an employee deliberately breaks a safety regulation.
The measure, authored by Rep. Donnie Bell, a Republican from Fulton, places the onus on the employer to prove that they had clearly communicated safety rules to the employee. – Katherine Lin
By the Numbers
$162 million
Estimated first-year cost of the House’s omnibus public education bill, including providing tax dollars for parents to use for private schooling or homeschooling.
More Legislative Coverage
Tears, Trump and student transfers: House barely passes school-choice bill. Will it survive?
The Mississippi House narrowly passed a major public-education overhaul Thursday after four hours of debate that centered on school choice — but also invoked President Trump, rifles and shotguns, the Psalm of David, pimps and meth addicts and even sexual innuendo. Read the story.
‘Absent’ Republicans, heavy whipping help Speaker Jason White pass school-choice bill
After perhaps the most intense vote-whipping he’s done as House speaker, Republican Jason White prevailed on a major school-choice bill, but only by a razor-thin, two-vote margin, with the future of the legislation uncertain. Read the story.
Mississippi House speaker invokes Trump in push for school choice. How involved might the president get?
Faced with internecine Republican opposition to “school-choice,” or spending tax dollars earmarked for public education on private schools, House Speaker Jason White broke out the biggest gun in Mississippi GOP politics: He invoked President Donald J. Trump. Read the story.
The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
HERNANDO — Some DeSoto County School Board members want a legal process by which an elected peer — another school board member — can be ousted for concerns including malfeasance and abuse of power. They passed a resolution in November formally asking lawmakers to consider granting that authority in the current legislative session.
A new law “would give school boards more authority when situations arise that cause concern in the community,” school board President Jerald Wheeler said in a statement to Mississippi Today.
For now, there is no legal mechanism for a school board to remove one of its members, said Jim Keith, attorney for the DeSoto County School Board.
The board members may get their wish to change that, at least in terms of a bill.
Sen. Kevin Blackwell, a Republican from Southaven, has filed Senate Bill 2068, which would allow a school district’s local governing authority, by majority vote, to remove a school board member for breach of public trust, neglect of duty and abuse of authority. The school board would first have to vote on a recommendation.
Rep. Kimberly Remak, a Republican from Olive Branch, is the primary author of House Bill 573, the House version of Blackwell’s bill. The bill now has multiple coauthors and bipartisan support. Remak did not respond to requests for comment.
On Dec. 30, Sen. Michael McLendon, a Republican from Hernando, announced on Facebook plans to introduce the Whiteside Accountability Act, a separate bill that, if passed into law, would provide “a statutory recall process for school board members who engage in conduct that undermines student safety, including actions that defend or minimize sexual crimes against minors.” The bill would give the power to school board members to remove other board members.
DeSoto County School Board members’ interest in ousting another elected board member stems from public calls for Michele Henley to resign after she wrote a letter and testified on behalf of Lindsey Whiteside, a former volunteer assistant girls’ basketball coach at DeSoto Central High School who had already pleaded guilty to sexual battery of a minor. At least nine other district employees wrote letters of support for Whiteside.
On Oct. 13, a judge sentenced Whiteside to three years of house arrest and seven years of probation — a much lighter sentence than the 30 years that prosecutors sought. The sentence divided the tranquil Memphis suburbs in Mississippi, where Whiteside was also a youth pastor.
Whiteside pleaded guilty earlier that day to committing sexual battery against a minor who attended her church. Some people, disturbed by Henley’s testimony and that some school district staff also wrote letters vouching for Whiteside’s character, began calling for Henley’s removal from the school board. They took to social media and spoke out at school board meetings.
“Disappointment, outrage, neglect of power” are a few reactions McLendon has heard from constituents since the conclusion of the Whiteside trial.
“It’s one thing to write a letter on the character of a person that you know, but writing the letter on official letterhead and using your elected title carries weight as an authoritative figure,” McLendon said of Henley.
Henley did not respond to multiple requests for comment by Mississippi Today.
DeSoto County School board member Michele Henley listens to public comments during the DeSoto County School Board meeting in Hernando, Miss. on Thursday, Nov. 6, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today
In a statement posted to Facebook on Oct. 15, Henley said the letter she wrote did not express support for Whiteside’s actions “or endorse her behavior.” The letter, shared in the post, describes Whiteside coaching and supporting Henley’s daughter in basketball.
As for her testimony, Henley wrote, “Contrary to what has been claimed, I did not testify for the defense. I was subpoenaed by the District Attorney to appear in court. While on the stand, I was asked whether I condoned Lindsey’s actions. My response was no. When asked about what her sentence should be, I stated that such a decision was for the judge to determine.”
‘A mechanism is necessary’
A half-dozen DeSoto County residents told Mississippi Today they believe Henley abused their trust when she wrote a letter of support on Whiteside’s behalf. The victim’s family said they felt Henley exercised poor judgment in supporting Whiteside over a district student.
The family members also said they felt Henley’s actions should be grounds for removal from the school board. After making a statement condemning Henley’s actions, the school board passed a resolution formally asking the legislature for legal recourse to grant them the power to oust one of their members, due in part to public outcry.
“The Board of Trustees of the DeSoto County School District firmly believes that a mechanism is necessary for the removal of school board members … to ensure a safe and supportive learning environment for students,” read the Nov. 20 resolution by the DeSoto County School Board.
Hope Hughes gives her comments during the DeSoto County School board meeting in Hernando, Miss. on Thursday, Nov. 6, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today
Every board member save Henley, who abstained, voted in support of the recent motion.
Katie Sasso, the mother of a DeSoto County School District student, said Henley’s departure would allow for the community to heal. Aubrie Johnson, a concerned community member, said, “It was shocking to see (someone) support a real-life predator.”
DeSoto County District Attorney Matthew Barton wrote Henley in October that “when an elected official chooses to protect the abuser rather than the abused, she ceases to serve the public good.” Barton said he called for Henley’s resignation so integrity and confidence could be restored to the school board.
On Nov. 6, at Henley’s first school board meeting appearance since the hearing, two members of the victim’s family called for her resignation. Pam Pegram, the victim’s grandmother, asked that Henley look at her during their exchange, pausing for Henley’s response. Pegram was met with nearly two minutes of silence.
“You heard the brave young girl read her victim statement and tell everyone in that courtroom about the vile and evil things that the predator had done. You heard the despair in the victim’s mother’s letter. You heard the frustration and the anger from the victim’s stepdad,” Pegram said. “You could have any time said, ‘I’m so sorry. I can no longer support this.’ But you cowardly refused to stand up for a child that attended school in your district.”
At that meeting, the school board voted to replace Henley as its president. Henley remains a board member.
In conversation with the public
DeSoto County Parents for Accountability, a parent group that found a broad audience on Facebook, is also pushing for Henley’s resignation.
The effort included organizing a protest of the school board on Oct. 17. The group has also criticized the school board, saying it meets at times when parents can’t attend.
The parents’ rights group helped organize a boycott of the school district the week after the Whiteside verdict. They protested what they called a lack of transparency and response by district leadership.
Hope Hughes gives her comments during the DeSoto County School board meeting in Hernando, Miss. on Thursday, Nov. 6, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today
Nancy Kemper, grandmother of a DeSoto County student, said during the public comments section of the meeting that she was unable to attend past meetings because they were scheduled during school pickup time. She said she felt the meeting schedule gave Henley the opportunity to dodge accountability.
“I know a lot of people that wanted to come here today and they feel like it was really convenient — especially for (Henley) — that they couldn’t come and speak because they are in line picking up their children.”
Seeking a legislative response
The bills introduced this legislative session aren’t the first attempts to extend school boards’ authority, including their power to remove other school board members.
In November, the DeSoto County School Board voted to support HB 817, which Remak introduced during the 2025 legislative session. HB 817 would have allowed school board members, by a majority vote and through the local governing agency, to remove a colleague for “malfeasance, misfeasance, or nonfeasance,” breach of public trust and abuse of authority.
The DeSoto board’s vote was symbolic; the bill had died in committee.
Another bill filed this session, authored by Kabir Karriem, a Democrat from Columbus, would also allow for the removal of a school board member for misconduct and “breach of public trust.” House Bill 521 would also limit a school board’s power to request a hike in property tax.
Karriem said he hoped to prevent school boards from triggering “irresponsible” property tax increases or other rash actions. He was inspired to reintroduce his bill from the 2025 legislative session because of his constituents’ concerns in Columbus.
“When you have school board members that feel like they have complete autonomy that creates problems for the community,” Karriem said. “And there always needs to be checks and balances.”
“There needs to be the opportunity to remove bad actors.”
If one of the bills to let school boards oust another board member becomes law, Mississippi will be one of the first state to grant that power. New York allows school board members to vote out their peers for “official misconduct.” Indiana allows removal by a circuit judge, while Virginia and Alabama give that right to governors. Illinois grants the power to a regional superintendent. In 24 states, excluding Mississippi, an elected school board member can be removed by a recall vote.
There is a lot of support for the bills before the Legislature this session, McLendon said. “It’s a nonpartisan bill that holds everyone accountable for their actions when it comes to protecting children.”
The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
The Mississippi House will try for the third year straight to legalize mobile sports betting with new provisions aimed at winning over Senate lawmakers who have opposed the measure, the House Gaming Committee Chairman said.
This year’s legislation — in a key change from last year’s proposal — would direct all state revenue from online betting to the state’s government pension system, Casey Eure, a Republican from Saucier who chairs House Gaming, told Mississippi Today.
The House and Senate are still at loggerheads over how to shore up the Public Employees’ Retirement System, which has unfunded liabilities of about $26 billion.
The new proposal will also contain other “compromises” for those who have previously opposed legalization.
The persistence of a thriving black market in Mississippi and an estimated tens of millions a year in tax revenue that legal sports betting could generate has prompted a fierce push from some lawmakers to legalize the practice.
“By legalizing mobile sports betting, we can eliminate much of the illegal market — including protecting underage bettors — and provide real consumer safeguards in a regulated environment,” Eure said. “This legislation will also give our brick-and-mortar casinos a new revenue stream to ensure their continued success, while the state revenue generated will help close the gap in funding for our public employees’ retirement system.”
The effort also has a strong and well-funded lobby from sports betting companies. But the legalization effort could again face significant headwinds, from skeptical state lawmakers in both parties and federal regulatory changes since the election of President Donald Trump.
Senate Gaming Chairman David Blount, a Democrat from Jackson who has thus far opposed mobile sports betting legalization, told Mississippi Today he wouldn’t take a position on Eure’s bill until he read it. But he said directing the revenue to PERS wouldn’t be near enough to justify legalization.
“These are the same people who abolished the income tax last year, which generates more than $2 billion a year to the state budget. If we legalized mobile sports betting tomorrow, it would take more than 1,000 years to pay off the unfunded liability in the retirement system,” Blount said. “The amount of money that we’re talking about is infinitesimal compared to the $26 billion unfunded liability of the retirement system.”
Eure has said legalizing online betting could generate as much as $80 million a year in tax revenue. Blount said the estimates he’s seen max out at about $30 million. Either way, the total would not pay off the system’s unfunded liabilities in the near term.
The Senate has already sent the House a bill to put half-a-billion dollars of the state’s current surplus into PERS, in addition to putting $50 million a year over the next decade. House leaders have proposed a recurring revenue stream for PERS, either from the state lottery or by legalizing mobile sports betting.
Blount also pointed to the rise of “prediction markets,” exchanges where people bet on the outcomes of future events. These markets, dominated by platforms such as Kalshi, are different from traditional sports betting because traders set prices. Also, prediction markets try to make money by letting people trade against each other to reveal how likely an event is, while sports betting companies make money by setting odds so the bookmaker always takes a cut.
Under the Trump administration, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission has taken a lax approach to regulating prediction markets, allowing platforms to expand their offerings in states around the country, including states such as Mississippi, where mobile sports betting remains illegal.
“Predictions markets have essentially legalized nationwide mobile betting,” Blount said. “Whatever amount of money was promised last year, that number is reduced, maybe greatly reduced. Because due to the actions of the current administration, no state can tax or regulate prediction markets, which are effectively gambling.”
Two U.S. Senate committees could take up a bill later this month to establish new rules for the cryptocurrency industry, and some on Capitol Hill are pushing to include language that would tighten regulations on prediction markets.
In addition to the role PERS and prediction markets might play in the debate over mobile sports betting legalization in Mississippi, a proposal this year would likely need to assuage the concerns of lawmakers from districts with casinos. Some brick-and-mortar casinos have feared the legalization of online betting could undercut their profits.
To protect smaller casinos from revenue losses, Eure’s bill last year would create a pot of money that establishments could draw from for the first five years after online sports betting becomes legal. It also included safeguards to prevent people from placing bets with credit cards.
Eure still believes legalization would be an economic boon for Mississippi.
The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
Lawyers for Attorney General Lynn Fitch and State Auditor Shad White will argue before the Mississippi Supreme Court on Tuesday over which of them has the right to claw back state money they believe was illegally spent.
Fitch believes she has the exclusive right to file a civil lawsuit on behalf of the state. White contends state law gives him the authority to file a suit to recoup funds in some instances.
The issue is over a section of Mississippi law stating that the state auditor is “to institute suit, and the attorney general shall prosecute the same in any court of the state,” when recovering misspent tax dollars.
Fitch first took White to court when the auditor attempted to sue Pro Football Hall of Fame athlete Brett Favre to recoup allegedly misspent welfare money. A Hinds County chancery judge disagreed with Fitch, so the attorney general appealed to the state’s highest court.
The two officials have said they’re considering running for governor and have clashed in recent years over the handling of Mississippi’s massive welfare scandal, which has seen multiple people plead guilty to state and federal crimes.
Fitch also withdrew her office’s representation of the auditor in two defamation lawsuits, including one filed by Favre, after determining a book White wrote about the welfare scandal cast her office in a negative light and created a conflict of interest.
Guide complet du casino en ligne – Tout ce que vous devez savoir
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Dans cet article nous décortiquons les points essentiels : la législation et les licences applicables en France et à l’étranger, la variété des jeux disponibles (slots, tables, live dealer), les mécanismes des bonus et leurs conditions de mise, la sécurité des transactions ainsi que l’expérience client et mobile. Vous disposerez ainsi d’un guide pas à pas pour jouer sereinement tout en maximisant vos chances de gains.
Section 1 : Les licences et la régulation des casinos en ligne
Les autorités de jeu délivrent des licences qui garantissent que le casino opère dans un cadre légal strict ; elles protègent le joueur contre les fraudes et assurent l’équité du RNG (Random Number Generator). En France, l’ANJ supervise toutes les plateformes autorisées à proposer leurs services aux résidents français ; hors territoire hexagonal, des juridictions comme la Malta Gaming Authority (MGA), la UK Gambling Commission ou Curaçao eGaming offrent également une surveillance reconnue à l’international.
Pour vérifier qu’un site est légitime, il faut d’abord repérer son numéro de licence affiché au bas de chaque page – souvent sous forme d’un code alphanumérique – puis consulter les conditions générales où sont détaillés les droits du joueur et les obligations du prestataire. Les audits indépendants tels qu’eCOGRA ou iTech Labs publient régulièrement leurs rapports d’inspection ; leur présence sur le site est un bon indicateur de transparence et de conformité technique.
La différence entre une licence française et une licence offshore
Une licence française impose aux opérateurs un taux fiscal réduit sur les gains des joueurs français mais exige que tous les serveurs soient hébergés sur le territoire européen afin d’assurer un contrôle direct par l’ANJ. En revanche, une licence offshore comme celle de Curaçao offre davantage de flexibilité tarifaire aux casinos mais limite souvent le nombre de méthodes bancaires locales disponibles pour les Français (par exemple moins d’options Visa ou prélèvements SEPA).
Le rôle des organismes de test tiers
Ces laboratoires certifient que le RNG produit réellement une distribution aléatoire conforme aux standards internationaux ; ils testent également la volatilité des machines à sous pour garantir que le RTP annoncé est respecté sur le long terme. Les certifications eCOGRA « Safe & Fair », iTech Labs « RNG Certified » ou Gaming Laboratories International sont généralement visibles sous forme d’icônes cliquables menant à un rapport détaillé accessible au public.
Tableau comparatif des principales licences
Juridiction
Taux fiscal moyen
Exigences serveur
Méthodes paiement courantes
Supervision
ANJ (France)
0 % sur gains joueurs
Europe uniquement
Carte bancaire FR, PayPal, Skrill
Contrôle national quotidien
MGA (Malte)
5 % sur revenus opérateur
Europe + certains pays hors UE
Visa/MasterCard, Neteller, crypto
Audits trimestriels
UKGC (Royaume‑Uni)
15 % sur bénéfices nets
Serveurs UK ou UE
Paysafecard, Trustly, crypto limité
Rapports publics mensuels
Curaçao eGaming
<2 % sur revenus brut
Aucun localisation requise
Bitcoin, cartes prépayées internationales
Inspection annuelle minimale
Section 2 : Les types de jeux proposés et comment choisir celui qui vous convient
Les machines à sous restent la vitrine du casino en ligne ; on distingue trois familles principales : les slots classiques à trois rouleaux avec peu de lignes payantes, les vidéos slots comportant cinq rouleaux et jusqu’à 1024 lignes ainsi que des fonctionnalités bonus interactives, puis les jackpots progressifs où le gain augmente tant qu’il n’est pas remporté (exemple : Mega Moolah avec un jackpot dépassant parfois 20 M€). Pour choisir judicieusement on regarde le RTP moyen (généralement entre 94 % et 98 %) et la volatilité qui détermine la fréquence mais aussi l’amplitude des gains éventuels.
Les jeux de table offrent quant à eux une dimension stratégique plus marquée : blackjack classique avec règle « dealer stands on soft 17 », variantes comme Blackjack Switch ou Spanish 21 ; roulette européenne avec zéro simple versus roulette américaine ajoutant double zéro ; baccarat punto banco où chaque main possède un léger avantage maison que l’on peut compenser par une gestion stricte du capital. Chaque variante possède ses propres tableaux de paiement qui influencent directement votre espérance mathématique.
Live dealer
L’expérience live dealer combine l’interaction directe avec un croupier réel via streaming HD et la sécurité d’un jeu contrôlé par une autorité officielle grâce aux caméras multiples utilisées par Evolution Gaming ou NetEnt Live . Les tables populaires incluent le Lightning Roulette où chaque spin peut déclencher un multiplicateur jusqu’à ×500 , ainsi que le Blackjack Infinite Bet permettant aux high rollers d’enchérir sans plafond prédéfini – idéal pour ceux qui cherchent l’immersion totale sans quitter leur salon.
Paris sportifs & jeux hybrides
Certains nouveaux casinos en ligne proposent aussi une plateforme sportsbook intégrée où vous pouvez parier sur football Ligue 1 ou e‑sport comme Counter‑Strike pendant que vous jouez aux slots traditionnels ; cela crée une synergie intéressante pour ceux qui veulent diversifier leurs sources de revenu tout en restant sur un seul compte bancaire sécurisé fourni par Basketnews.Net lors du processus d’évaluation comparative.
Adapter son choix à son budget et à son style de jeu
Jeux à faible mise : slots avec pari minimum €0,10 – parfaits pour tester plusieurs titres sans trop risquer son bankroll initiale.
Jeux haute mise : tables VIP blackjack avec limite maximale €5 000 – réservées aux high rollers capables d’appliquer une stratégie avancée telle que le comptage simplifié des cartes ou la martingale contrôlée dans certaines variantes roulette premium.
En gérant votre bankroll selon votre profil (« amateur », « intermédiaire », « high roller ») vous éviterez l’écueil fréquent du chase loss qui conduit rapidement à une perte totale même sur un jeu au RTP élevé.
Section 3 : Les bonus et promotions – Décryptage des offres alléchantes
Le bonus de bienvenue constitue généralement la première incitation proposée par tout nouveau casino : il combine souvent un dépôt matché allant jusqu’à 200 % + 100 tours gratuits sur une machine populaire comme Starburst ou Gonzo’s Quest . Cependant chaque offre comporte ses propres exigences telles qu’une mise minimum (€10) avant toute activation ainsi qu’une sélection restreinte de jeux éligibles (souvent uniquement les slots).
Les promotions récurrentes maintiennent l’engagement du joueur : cashback quotidien pouvant atteindre 10 % du volume perdu net pendant la journée précédente ; programmes VIP où chaque euro misé rapporte des points échangeables contre des retraits sans wagering ; tournois exclusifs mettant en jeu jusqu’à 50 000 € au total répartis entre plusieurs gagnants selon leur rang dans le leaderboard hebdomadaire . Ces initiatives sont régulièrement mises à jour par les opérateurs afin d’attirer tant les novices que les joueurs confirmés recherchant du contenu frais chaque semaine.
Les exigences de mise (wagering)
Le wagering indique combien fois il faut miser le montant du bonus avant pouvoir retirer ses gains associés ; typiquement on retrouve un ratio entre 20x et 40x selon la politique interne du casino . Par exemple un bonus cash‑in of €100 avec exigence “30x” signifie devoir placer €3 000 en mises admissibles avant toute demande de retrait – ce calcul doit inclure uniquement les jeux spécifiés dans les termes & conditions afin d’éviter toute mauvaise surprise lors du traitement final du paiement .
Pièges fréquents
Certains sites limitent sévèrement la période pendant laquelle vous devez remplir ces exigences — parfois seulement 7 jours — ce qui rend difficile atteindre le seuil requis si vous jouez modérément . D’autres imposent un plafond maximal sur les gains issus du bonus gratuit : même si vous remportez €5 000 lors d’une session avec tours gratuits limités à €20 chacun , vous ne pourrez encaisser que jusqu’à €200 supplémentaires selon cette restriction . Enfin certaines offres ne sont valables que sur quelques titres sélectionnés dont le RTP moyen est inférieur à celui habituel , réduisant ainsi votre marge théorique globale .
Stratégies pour maximiser la valeur d’un bonus
1️⃣ Choisir une promotion dont le ratio mise/bénéfice est inférieur à 30x afin d’alléger rapidement l’effort requis tout en conservant une marge nette intéressante après retrait.
2️⃣ Prioriser les programmes fidélité offrant cashback sans condition supplémentaire – ils permettent récupérer directement une partie perdue sans passer par un processus complexe.
3️⃣ Utiliser systématiquement la FAQ fournie par Basketnews.Net pour comparer chaque offre disponible chez différents opérateurs avant votre inscription ; cela évite bien souvent d’accepter un bonus attrayant mais peu rentable lorsqu’on considère toutes ses contraintes cachées.
Section 4 : Sécurité des transactions et méthodes de paiement
La protection SSL/TLS constitue aujourd’hui le socle indispensable pour chiffrer toutes vos communications entre votre navigateur et le serveur du casino ; elle empêche toute interception malveillante lors du transfert d’informations personnelles ou financières grâce au protocole HTTPS certifié par des autorités reconnues telles que DigiCert ou GlobalSign . Une absence totale ce protocole doit immédiatement déclencher une alerte chez tout joueur avisé suivant nos recommandations publiées régulièrement sur Basketnews.Net .
Méthodes classiques
Les cartes Visa/MasterCard restent largement acceptées partout en Europe ; elles offrent généralement un délai standardisé entre 24 heures et 48 heures pour valider un dépôt tandis que les retraits peuvent prendre jusqu’à 5 jours ouvrés selon la banque émettrice française concernée – parfois accompagnés frais minimes autour de 0·90 €.
Les virements bancaires SEPA assurent quant à eux zéro frais supplémentaires mais demandent souvent 3‑4 jours ouvrés avant créditation complète tant côté émetteur que récepteur — pratique surtout pour déposer plusieurs milliers d’euros sécuritairement sans passer par intermédiaires.
Portefeuilles électroniques
Skrill & Neteller permettent quant à eux presque instantanément (moins d’une minute) tant au dépôt qu’au retrait grâce à leur réseau dédié aux jeux en ligne ; ils offrent également une couche supplémentaire d’anonymat partiel puisqu’ils ne révèlent pas directement vos coordonnées bancaires au casino.
PayPal a intégré récemment son service “PayPal Casino” dédié aux marchés européens : il combine rapidité (15 minutes) avec protection buyer‑seller adaptée notamment aux litiges liés aux paiements non reçus.
Crypto‑monnaies
Bitcoin & altcoins comme Ethereum ou Litecoin représentent aujourd’hui une option émergente très prisée parmi ceux qui recherchent instantanéité absolue (quelques secondes) ainsi qu’une confidentialité accrue grâce aux adresses publiques non traçables directement vers votre identité réelle . Néanmoins ces monnaies restent soumises à une volatilité élevée pouvant impacter fortement votre solde si vous ne convertissez pas rapidement vos gains — risque supplémentaire rappelé dans nos guides détaillés chez Basketnews.Net concernant nouveaux casinos en ligne acceptant ces moyens numériques.
Processus KYC (Know Your Customer) – Quand et pourquoi il est demandé ?
Le KYC devient obligatoire dès que vous souhaitez retirer plus que €1 000 ou activer certains bonus spécifiques ; il consiste généralement à fournir :
Une copie lisible d’une pièce officielle (carte nationale ou passeport).
Un justificatif récent datant moins de trois mois (facture EDF/Internet ou relevé bancaire montrant votre adresse).
Ces documents permettent au casino – sous contrôle strict des autorités compétentes – d’empêcher blanchiment d’argent et fraude identitaire tout en accélérant ultérieurement vos retraits lorsque votre dossier est déjà complet.
Section 5 : Le support client и expérience utilisateur
Un service client efficace se mesure surtout via trois critères clés : temps moyen réponse (<2 minutes via chat live), niveau linguistique adapté au public francophone (« bonjour », « merci » inclus) ainsi que capacité réelle à résoudre rapidement disputes relatives aux paiements ou aux conditions bonus.
Les meilleurs sites listés par Basketnews.Net proposent désormais :
Chat live disponible 24/7 avec agents spécialisés dans chaque langue européenne dont français natif.
Adresse email dédiée répondant sous <12 heures ouvrées même durant week‑ends.
Ligne téléphonique directe exclusivement réservée aux joueurs français afin d’éviter toute barrière linguistique durant appels critiques liés aux retraits urgents.
Qualité du service
En testant personnellement plusieurs plateformes classées parmi nos top‑10 « meilleur casino en ligne 2026 », nous avons observé qu’un temps moyen global était compris entre 45 secondes (chat) et 4 minutes (email), tandis que seules deux plateformes présentaient plus d’un jour complet avant résolution complète — critère éliminatoire automatique selon notre grille méthodologique stricte.
Interface du site & version mobile
L’ergonomie joue ici un rôle décisif : tableau bord clair affichant solde actuel, historique transactions filtrable par date/jeu/montant permet au joueur avancé comme au novice naviguer sans effort.
Sur mobile , nous privilégions aujourd’hui deux approches :
Sites responsives optimisés HTML5 fonctionnant parfaitement même sous réseaux mobiles faibles grâce au chargement différentiel (« lazy load »).
Applications natives Android/iOS dédiées offrant notifications push instantanées lors réception bonuses personnalisés – fonction très appréciée chez nos lecteurs avidesde nouveautés quotidiennes.
Tester le support avant l’inscription définitive
Nous recommandons toujours envoyer dès votre première visite une question simple via chat (« Quel est mon délai moyen retrait ? ») afin :
1️⃣ Mesurer rapidité rédactionnelle.
2️⃣ Vérifier pertinence réponse vis-à-vis des conditions affichées.
3️⃣ S’assurer qu’une FAQ exhaustive couvre déjà ce point — sinon privilégier autrement plateforme mieux documentée.
Conclusion
En résumé, choisir judicieusement son casino repose avant tout sur quatre piliers fondamentaux : disposer d’une licence valide délivrée soit par l’ANJ soit par une autorité reconnue internationalement ; aligner sa sélection ludique avec son budget personnel afin qu’elle corresponde réellement à son style—que ce soit low‑stake slots ultra‑volatiles ou high‑roller tables premium ; décrypter minutieusement chaque offre promotionnelle pour éviter pièges cachés tels quotas temporels courts ou plafonds restrictifs ; sécuriser chacune des transactions via SSL/TLS combiné aux méthodes fiables listées ci‑dessus tout en préparant préalablement son dossier KYC afin fluidifier retraits futurs.
Enfin veillez scrupuleusement au niveau du support client ainsi qu’à l’expérience utilisateur globale—un service réactif garantit résolution rapide face aux problèmes éventuels.
En suivant ce guide détaillé publié par Basketnews.Net, chaque lecteur pourra sélectionner le nouveau casino en ligne qui correspond parfaitement à ses attentes tout en jouant dans un cadre sûr et transparent.
The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
The effort of Mississippi House leaders and others to expand programs providing public funds to private schools validates the oft-repeated quote that “history may not repeat itself, but it often rhymes.”
Efforts by Mississippi legislators to send public funds to private schools go back to at least the 1960s.
The current effort, led by House Speaker Jason White and buttressed by President Donald Trump and Gov. Tate Reeves, would provide funds to parents to allow them to help pay for the children’s education at a private school.
The argument is made that such a scheme, sending the money to parents to help pay for their child’s private school education, will not violate Section 208 of the Mississippi Constitution, which states definitively that public money may not go to schools not operating as “free schools.”
The argument is being made that it would be constitutional because the public money is going to the parent instead of the private school. Some would argue that the process is simply trying to achieve through deception what the Mississippi Constitution says is prohibited and, who knows, maybe that is the definition of lawyering.
There have been limited state court cases involving Section 208, and none of those addressed directly the issue of whether providing public funds to a family to be spent on a private school education is constitutional.
It is almost certain that many of the nine members of the Mississippi Supreme Court would prefer not to have to take up the explosive issue. But if the bill passes the Legislature, it is almost certain that it will land in justices’ laps at the state’s highest court.
While it does not appear there has been a state case addressing the particulars that will be in front of the Mississippi Supreme Court if the bill becomes law, in 1969 there was a federal case with similar facts. The U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals struck down a state law sending public funds, called tuition grants, to families to be spent on a private school education.
As the number of Mississippi private schools exploded in the 1960s to provide white students an escape from attending classes with Black students, the Mississippi Legislature passed a bill to provide funds to white students to be used to attend segregationist academies.
Many of those academies still exist today and could benefit if the new effort to provide public funds to private schools becomes law.
The 5th Circuit did not address Section 208 of the Mississippi Constitution, but instead said the law was discriminatory. The 5th Circuit found that the law “encourages, facilitates and supports the establishment of a system of private schools operated on a racially segregated basis as an alternative available to white students seeking to avoid desegregated public schools.”
Granted, 2026 is much different than the 1960s. There are many private schools that enroll and do a good job educating Black students.
But there are still private schools that take great pride in being the sole overseer of their enrollment criteria. The private schools told legislators during a hearing on the issue last year that they would not relinquish their authority to decide who they enroll.
There are, no doubt, private schools that deny enrollment to certain disabled students because of the high cost of providing those children an education.
And, no doubt, there would be private schools that would balk at enrolling gay or trans students. Some private schools also might deny enrollment to students who openly embrace certain religious practices.
Are those forms of discrimination?
In 1969, like today, the executive branch of the federal government got involved in the issue of sending public funds to private schools. The Trump administration has endorsed the bill pending in the Mississippi Legislature.
In 1969 the Justice Department of then-president Richard Nixon opposed the effort to provide “tuition grants” for students to attend private schools.
The opposing positions taken by the two presidents perhaps proves that sometimes history does not repeat itself and doesn’t even rhyme.
The audio version of this story is AI generated and is not human reviewed. It may contain errors or inaccuracies.
Mississippi quarterback Trinidad Chambliss sued the NCAA in state court on Friday for an additional year of eligibility so he can play for the Rebels next season.
The suit filed in Lafayette County came a week after the NCAA denied Ole Miss’ request for an extra year, saying the university and Chambliss’ previous school — Ferris State — failed to provide adequate medical documentation to back up the request.
The lawsuit filed Friday called the NCAA’s denial in “bad-faith, unreasonable and arbitrary,” and detailed Chambliss’ history of illness and included letters from physicians.
“Despite the duty of good faith and fair dealing it owes to Trinidad, the NCAA insists on considering the evidence in Trinidad’s case in an isolated, rather than comprehensive manner; interpreting its rules to impose requirements not contained therein; taking unreasonable if not irrational positions; and acting in an arbitrary and capricious manner in its decision-making and ruling,” the suit says.
Ole Miss’ arguments revolve around the fact that the 23-year-old Chambliss, although he has been in college for five years, has only played three years of college football because of that medical history.
“Trinidad first enrolled in Ferris State in the fall of 2021, but medical and physical incapacity prevented his ability to adequately train and condition and develop athletically,” the suit says.
After taking a redshirt his first season at Ferris State in 2021-22, Chambliss was held out in his second season for medical reasons.
“Obviously, Trinidad’s medical conditions, which rendered him incapable of competing in any game during these years, were beyond his or Ferris State’s control,” the suit says.
He played two more seasons at the Division II school in Michigan, leading the Bulldogs to a national championship before transferring to Ole Miss before the start of this season.
Chambliss completed 294 of 445 passes (66.1%) for 3,937 yards with 22 touchdowns and three interceptions for Ole Miss (13-2), which set a school record for wins, including two after making the College Football Playoff for the first time. He ran for 527 yards and eight more TDs.
The Rebels lost 31-27 to Miami in the College Football Playoff semifinals on Jan. 8.
The NCAA, when contacted Friday, did not have a new statement, but referred to its statement from a week ago saying “This decision aligns with consistent application of NCAA rules.”
The NCAA said in that week-old statement that approval of such waivers requires schools to submit medical documentation from a treating physician at the time of a student’s incapacitating injury or illness.
“The documents provided by Ole Miss and the student’s prior school include a physician’s note from a December 2022 visit, which stated the student-athlete was ‘doing very well’ since he was seen in August 2022,” the NCAA said. “Additionally, the student-athlete’s prior school indicated it had no documentation on medical treatment, injury reports or medical conditions involving the student-athlete during that time frame and cited ‘developmental needs and our team’s competitive circumstances’ as its reason the student-athlete did not play in the 2022-23 season.”
Ole Miss athletic director Keith Carter previously said the school will appeal the NCAA’s ruling.