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Professor: Hearing the public is not the same as listening 

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Mississippi Today Ideas is a platform for thoughtful Mississippians to share their ideas about our state’s past, present and future. Opinions expressed in guest essays are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent those of Mississippi Today. You can read more about the section here.


On a weeknight at city hall, residents file into a meeting room to weigh in on a proposed development project. A presentation is delivered. Charts are shown. When the floor opens, a line forms at the microphone. Each speaker is given two or three minutes.

The ritual is familiar across the country, with Mississippi no exception. It is also often described as listening.

When cities face major development proposals, officials promise to “listen to the community.” Public meetings are scheduled. Comment periods are opened. Residents are invited to step forward and share their thoughts.

These steps matter. They signal that public input has a place in civic decision-making. Yet they also raise a deeper question. What does it actually mean to listen?

A recent Mississippi Today story about a proposed data center in Clarksdale describes a familiar  process. City leaders are considering rezoning land and discussing the potential economic benefits while also organizing opportunities for residents to weigh in. The intention is clear: before moving forward, officials want to give citizens a chance to be heard.

But hearing the public is not the same as listening.

Communities often mistake the opportunity to speak for the opportunity to influence. Public meetings and comment periods create space for residents to voice their views. That matters. At the same time, having a voice is not the same as having that voice heard.

Graham Bodie Credit: Courtesy photo

Many public processes are built around what communication scholar Jim Macnamara calls an  “architecture of speaking.” Governments and organizations invest heavily in messaging: presentations, announcements, public meetings and media campaigns. Far less investment goes toward the harder work of listening.

Listening at scale requires systems, resources and a willingness to let public input shape decisions. Without those elements, public engagement can easily become a box-checking exercise that satisfies legal requirements while leaving many residents unsure whether their voices actually matter.

To be fair, city leaders often do provide opportunities for public input. Notices are posted. Meetings are held. Consultants design engagement processes intended to give residents a chance to speak.

The problem is often not the absence of opportunities but the conditions under which they occur.

Public meetings are frequently scheduled at times that are inconvenient for many working families. Parents are trying to get children through homework and bedtime routines. Others may work evening shifts. Some residents simply feel uncomfortable speaking at a microphone in a crowded  room.

Even when people do attend, the format rarely encourages careful deliberation. A line forms at the front of the room. Each speaker is given a limited amount of time. The exchange can feel less like a conversation and more like a performance.

The result is predictable. A small number of highly motivated participants show up and speak passionately. Many other residents stay home. Officials leave with comments on record, yet without a clear sense of how widely those views are shared across the community.

At this point, a familiar explanation often surfaces: People simply aren’t interested until a decision affects them directly. Civic engagement, the argument goes, will always be limited until residents become angry enough to show up.

There may be some truth in that observation. Yet it also assumes that the existing channels for participation are well known and widely trusted. In practice, many residents stay quiet for different  reasons.

Research suggests that people often remain silent not because they are apathetic, but because they see little point in speaking up. Some worry about social or professional repercussions in small communities where relationships are close and disagreements can carry consequences. Others  believe their comments will not be taken seriously or will have no meaningful influence on the final  decision.

When people suspect that nothing will change, silence becomes a rational choice. Fortunately, there are better ways to listen.

Instead of asking residents to come to city hall, communities can bring conversations to the places  where people already gather: churches, neighborhood parks, community centers and school gyms. A Saturday afternoon picnic or a discussion after Sunday services may not look like a traditional public hearing, yet these settings often encourage more thoughtful participation.

When conversations take place in familiar spaces, people who might never attend a formal meeting are more likely to join. Smaller group discussions allow residents to ask questions, hear different  perspectives and explore trade-offs together.

None of this eliminates disagreement. Nor should it. Major decisions about economic development, land use and infrastructure inevitably involve competing priorities. What better listening can do is improve the quality of the conversation before decisions are finalized.

Data centers, for example, promise significant investment and jobs. At the same time, they raise  questions about land use, water and energy consumption, tax incentives and long-term impacts on  local communities. These are exactly the kinds of issues that benefit from broad participation and careful discussion. And those deliberations can and should allow for dissent and robust debate.

Public hearings will always have a place in local government. They provide transparency and create an official record of public input. But they should not be mistaken for the entirety of community listening.

Real listening begins earlier. It requires designing processes that make participation realistic for ordinary residents and meaningful for the decisions that follow.

The question facing communities like Clarksdale is not simply whether a particular project should move forward. Cities across Mississippi will continue to face proposals for new industries and large scale investments.

The deeper question is whether we are willing to build something alongside those projects: civic processes that allow residents not only to speak, but to know their voices will actually be heard.


Graham Bodie is a professor of the Department of Media and Communication in the School of Journalism and New Media at the University of Mississippi. When asked what he does for a living he responds, “I teach people to listen.” He does this by publishing, teaching and facilitating workshops that help debunk common myths about what it means to “listen well.” 

Greed or chaos? Jurors will determine if taking high-dollar welfare contracts was criminal

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Read more: Ex-wrestler Teddy DiBiase is found not guilty on all counts in Mississippi welfare scandal

One spring day in 2018, entrepreneur and former WWE wrestler Ted “Teddy” DiBiase Jr. “became an instant millionaire,” a federal prosecutor told jurors Thursday.

Eight years later, DiBiase sat stoically in a federal courtroom as his trial in a sprawling welfare scandal neared a close. 

In final arguments, prosecutors claimed DiBiase had deprived hungry Mississippians while taking nearly $3 million in federal grant money to fund his lavish lifestyle

This spending was not the result of an illegal scheme by DiBiase, the defense retorted, but of a government in chaos. 

In two of the 13 counts against him, the U.S. Attorney’s Office charged DiBiase with theft under a federal statute uncannily bearing the code section 666. 

A piece of paper from a yellow legal pad sat propped on the desk facing DiBiase Thursday. Red handwritten letters read, “JESUS” and “NO WEAPON FORMED AGAINST ME SHALL PROSPER.”

After 19 days of trial, DiBiase’s fate was left up to jurors, who were expected to begin deliberating Friday.

Twelve Mississippians are now tasked with finding the facts and determining if accepting welfare funds in the manner DiBiase did constitutes a crime – something that has eluded lawyers, state officials and policy experts since the scandal broke six years ago.

DiBiase is the only person the federal government has indicted and put on trial in the sprawling welfare scheme in which auditors questioned purchases of up to $100 million from 2016 to 2020. 

Most of the seven people who have pleaded guilty did so under bills of information, charging documents the government uses when a defendant waives the right to a grand jury. This makes DiBiase’s case unique, because it is the only time prosecutors have been in the position of trying to convince a jury that conduct surrounding the misspending was a crime.

DiBiase began receiving federal funds in 2017 after the Mississippi Department of Human Services, under then-director John Davis, had outsourced much of its welfare delivery system to two nonprofit organizations to run a nebulous initiative called Families First for Mississippi. 

The state agency and the two private entities, Mississippi Community Education Center and Family Resource Center of North Mississippi, claimed to be working together to usher in a new multi-generational approach to interrupting poverty. At just 32, DiBiase, who’d left the WWE and taken up leadership training, became one of Families First’s top purveyors.

Davis, a middle-aged man with no spouse or children and few friends, liked DiBase and elevated him to the highest levels of Mississippi government by arranging contracts between the nonprofit organizations and DiBiase’s LLCs. Davis and the nonprofit directors, Nancy New and Christi Webb, have all pleaded guilty to their roles in the scheme.

DiBiase’s contracts – containing jaw-dropping dollar amounts and signed in rapid succession – are at the heart of the case against him. The agreements listed tasks such as leadership outreach services, assessments of emergency food assistance needs and programs to help inner-city youth.

He did not use the money on operational expenses to carry out those tasks, the prosecution argued, but to purchase a boat, a truck, a 6,000-square foot house and take expensive vacations. The defense argues DiBiase was an independent contractor operating on no limits to his profit margin.

John Davis, former Mississippi Department of Human Services director, heads to the Thad Cochran United States Courthouse, Monday, Feb. 23, 2026, in Jackson. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today

There would have been no financial windfall to DiBiase without Davis. The prosecution claimed in its closing remarks that by cozying up to Davis in exchange for cash, DiBiase was engaging in a common con artist operation called a “lonely hearts scam.” This term elicited an incredulous, cringed laugh from DiBiase’s father, former WWE star Ted “The Million Dollar Man” DiBiase, who sat on the court’s front row.

The defense called Davis “crazy as a loon” and said DiBiase never solicited the funds from the director.

The prosecution claimed DiBiase’s contracts were shams – “fake, bogus, pretend” – and that DiBiase never intended to complete the work. The documents were sloppy, with inconsistent terms and vague objectives, which could make it hard to discern whether the agreements were met.

“Exactly,” said U.S. Department of Justice trial attorney Adrienne Rosen. “It means that no one read it. No one cared about the terms of those contracts.”

The defense presented records and text messages to assert that DiBiase had a genuine desire to improve Mississippians’ lives. “I want to serve bro. That may seem insane to most people, but I really just want to help people,” DiBiase once texted Davis. 

Defense lawyer Scott Gilbert said the welfare agency devolved into chaos when it shoved tens of millions of dollars into Families First with “no plan.” He said that despite the whole operation teeming with attorneys, including those who drafted or reviewed the contracts, no one expressed concerns to DiBiase. 

“You couldn’t throw a dead cat in this case without hitting a lawyer,” Gilbert said.

And Gilbert argued DiBiase did, in fact, do his work: attending meetings, delivering presentations and drafting proposals to further Families First’s mission. 

None of these things satisfied the purpose of the contracts, the prosecuted rebutted. The emails, texts and calendar entries were just ways to “paper over what really happened,” said Assistant U.S. Attorney Dave Fulcher.

“What he did was put on the clothing of an MDHS employee, put on the clothing of somebody who would have made less than $100,000 a year, but instead he was paid $2 million a year,” Fulcher said.

Gilbert said in his client’s work with Davis, DiBiase never hid or operated with the kind of secrecy one might expect from someone committing fraud. After all, DiBiase traveled with Davis to Washington to testify before Congress about their programs.

“You don’t do that if you think you’re doing something illegal,” Gilbert said.

But Fulcher argued DiBiase got his contracts from the nonprofits, instead of the state agency, precisely so the records would not be publicly accessible.

“How they did it tells you why they did it,” Fulcher said. “… I suspect your common sense is telling you, ‘This isn’t right.’”

Gilbert acknowledged it was sad that this is how the national and state government worked, that welfare funds could be spent so flippantly. But he asked jurors to consider whether the evidence suggests a criminal conspiracy by DiBiase, “Or is this just a really crappy example of human behavior that falls at the feet of a lot of people?”

Several family friends attended court Thursday to support the wrestler, including Nick Coughlin, DiBiase’s former business partner who appeared as a witness in the case. Coughlin also worked under contracts with the nonprofits and is facing his own legal troubles in a parallel civil lawsuit over the alleged misspending.

Dozens of people or companies are still facing civil charges in that case, including people whose circumstances and conduct were similar to DiBiase’s. One thing that set DiBiase’s case apart from others was the sheer amount of money he personally received. Coughlin, for example, is being sued for less than $200,000 and is putting up a vigorous defense to the charge.

But both the prosecution and defense told jurors not to base their decision on the amount of money DiBiase received, however shocking. If it’s fraud, Gilbert noted, it would be fraud whether he’d received $2.9 million or $20,000.

DiBiase’s mom, Melanie DiBiase, who has attended each day of trial, said the years-long legal battle, an ordeal that should have torn her family apart, has only brought them closer together. Their faith in God has played a huge role.

“We can still stand with our heads high because the truth should prevail,” she said while leaving the courthouse Thursday.

Steve Knight steps down after 44-year run as men’s basketball coach at William Carey

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Steve Knight became the head men’s basketball coach at William Carey College way back in July of 1982 at the age of 25.

That same month, Jimmy Connors beat John McEnroe for the Wimbledon championship. Tom Watson, now 76, won golf’s Open Championship at Royal Troon, Scotland. William Winter was Mississippi’s governor. Ronald Reagan was president. Pete Rose led the National League in hitting. From Rocky III, Survivor’s “Eye of the Tiger” was No. 1 on the record charts.

Yes, it has been a while. Mississippi has had seven governors since, but William Carey, now a university, has had the same basketball coach until Thursday, when it was announced that Knight, by far the winningest college basketball coach in Mississippi history, was retiring.

Rick Cleveland

In sports, these days, it is rare to see anyone stay in the same coaching job for 10 years, much less 44. Put it this way: Ole Miss, Mississippi State and Southern Miss have each had six men’s basketball coaches during those 44 years. At the small college level, Belhaven has had 11.

For the past 16 years, with each victory, Knight has broken his own record as Mississippi’s winningest college basketball coach. On Nov. 10, 2010, Knight claimed that honor by surpassing Alcorn State legend Davey Whitney for his 506th career victory.

And it’s not as if Knight has fallen off his game late in his career. His Carey Crusaders this season finished 28-5, tying the school record for victories. They won the Southern States Conference championship with a 15-3 record and qualified for the NAIA National Tournament.

Steve Knight, men’s basketball coach at William Carey University. Credit: Courtesy of William Carey Athletics

So why quit now?

“I think the fact that we had such a great year was a part of it,” Knight said. “I wanted to go out on a winning note, but it was more than that. I had hip surgery in December and missed some games and a lot of practices. Coaching can be a real grind, plus I’ve got grandkids that are playing high school ball now and I want to watch them play. Also, my wife and I want to do some traveling and we want to do it while we’re healthy enough to enjoy it. It just seems like the right time.

“I just want everyone to know that I have really loved working at William Carey in my hometown with so many great people. It never really felt like a job.”

This writer’s relationship with Knight goes back to his high school days when when “Bone” – as he was nicknamed – was a star baseball pitcher and shooting guard for the Hattiesburg High Tigers. Bone, you ask? “I was 6-foot-2 and weighed 140 pounds, maybe. I was all skin and bones. Somebody shortened that to Bone and it stuck.”

Knight was a key player on a Hattiesburg basketball team, led by the great Purvis Short, that won a state championship in 1974. He later was a fine pitcher for Southern Miss, where his catcher was Mississippi Sports Hall of Famer Corky Palmer. Knight pitched two years in the Seattle Mariners organization before returning to Hattiesburg and taking the job at Carey.

Knight also served a season as William Carey’s baseball coach early in his career and then for 30 years (1987-2016) as the school’s athletic director. Carey’s athletic department grew exponentially during his leadership, more than tripling the number of sports offered from five to 17.

“The basketball program and the university owe a lot to Coach Knight,” said Tracy English, the current Carey athletic director. “For 44 years he produced championship teams and sent young men back to their communities to be productive citizens. He coached hundreds of players that went on to become coaches, bankers, doctors, businessmen, preachers, you name it.”

Knight coached 22 Carey teams to 20 victories or more, won 19 conference championships and made 15 NAIA National Tournament appearances. He was named his league’s coach of the year 15 times, including this past season. Knight also has been inducted into the Southern Miss M Club Hall of Fame, the William Carey Hall of Fame and the Southern Miss Alumni Hall of Fame.

As Knight put it, “What a ride it has been!”

Help us report on ICE detention in Mississippi

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Hi! My name is Mukta Joshi and I’m an investigative reporter with Mississippi Today.

For nearly two years, I’ve been writing about police misconduct and the power of sheriffs in our state. Now, as I start a yearlong fellowship program at the New York Times, I’m shifting my focus to a topic that’s been making headlines across the country, though less so here at home: the detention of immigrants picked up by ICE. 

ICE raids have been taking place at an unprecedented scale in big cities all over, including in the South. Texas and Louisiana famously house more ICE detainees than any other states. 

But did you know that Mississippi plays a special part in immigration enforcement? 

Despite having one of the smallest immigrant populations, Mississippi is home to the second largest ICE detention facility in the entire country – the Adams County Correctional Center in Natchez, which houses more than 2,000 detainees. 

The federal government limits access to ICE detention centers. They aren’t inspected as often as state prisons. Only immediate family members and attorneys are allowed to visit detainees. And because the Adams County facility is owned and run by a private, for-profit company, CoreCivic, it isn’t covered by public records laws, and taxpayers don’t get to see what happens inside.

Over the next couple of months, we’re going to find out everything we can about the facility, from who is held there to how it impacts the local economy. 

We’d like to invite you along.

Every Friday morning, I plan to publish something about my reporting – what I’m learning about how the facility works, about the people held there or about the impact the detention center has on the community surrounding it. You’ll be able to find it on Mississippi Today’s website, on our social media channels and in our Friday newsletter. And you can follow me on X @mukta_jo.

I’ll start posting on March 27. In the meantime, if you know something about the detention center, if you know someone who works there or is detained there, or want me to find out something about it for readers, please get in touch.

I will not use your name or any part of your submission without contacting you first. If you prefer to get in touch with me anonymously, send me a message on Signal @mmj.2178. Or you can contact me via email at mukta.joshi@nytimes.com

Our mailing address is PO Box 12267, Jackson, MS 39236.

Ayúdanos a reportar sobre las detenciones del ICE en Misisipi

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¡Hola! Me llamo Mukta Joshi y soy reportera de investigación en Mississippi Today.

Llevo casi dos años escribiendo sobre la mala conducta policial y el poder de los sheriffs en nuestro estado. Ahora, al comenzar una beca de un año en The New York Times, voy a poner mi atención en un tema que ha acaparado los titulares en todo el país, aunque no tanto aquí en casa: la detención de inmigrantes por parte del ICE.

Las redadas del ICE se han estado llevando a cabo a una escala sin precedentes en las grandes ciudades de todo el país, incluido el sur. Es bien sabido que Texas y Luisiana albergan a más detenidos del ICE que cualquier otro estado.

¿Pero sabías que Misisipi desempeña un papel especial en la aplicación de las leyes migratorias?

A pesar de tener una de las poblaciones de inmigrantes más pequeñas, Misisipi alberga el segundo centro de detención del ICE más grande de todo el país: el Centro Correccional del Condado de Adams en Natchez, que alberga a más de 2000 detenidos.

El gobierno federal limita el acceso a los centros de detención del ICE. No se inspeccionan con tanta frecuencia como las prisiones estatales. Solo los familiares directos y los abogados pueden visitar a los detenidos. Y como el centro del condado de Adams es propiedad y está gestionado por una empresa privada con ánimo de lucro, CoreCivic, no está sujeto a las leyes de registros públicos, y los contribuyentes no pueden ver lo que ocurre en su interior.

Durante los próximos meses, vamos a averiguar todo lo que podamos sobre el centro, desde quiénes están recluidos allí hasta cómo afecta a la economía local.

Nos gustaría que nos acompañaras.

Cada viernes por la mañana, tengo pensado publicar algo sobre mi reportaje: lo que voy averiguando sobre el funcionamiento del centro, sobre las personas que están allí o sobre el impacto que tiene el centro de detención en la comunidad alrededor. Podrás encontrarlo en la página web de Mississippi Today, en nuestras redes sociales y en nuestro boletín de los viernes. Y puedes seguirme en X @mukta_jo.

Empezaré a publicar el 27 de marzo. Mientras tanto, si sabes algo sobre el centro de detención, si conoces a alguien que trabaje allí o que esté detenido allí, o si quieres que averigüe algo al respecto para los lectores, por favor, ponte en contacto conmigo.

No usaré tu nombre ni ninguna parte de tu mensaje sin contactarte primero. Si prefieres ponerte en contacto conmigo de forma anónima, envíame un mensaje por Signal @mmj.2178. O puedes comunicarte por correo electrónico a mukta.joshi@nytimes.com.

Nuestra dirección postal es P. O. Box 12267, Jackson, MS 39236.

‘We don’t want any more Okolonas.’ State officials say their crackdown on schools with missing audits is working

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The number of school districts missing annual financial audits is going down, falling to 32 from 47 since the Mississippi Department of Education has drawn attention to this issue, according to Paula Vanderford, the agency’s chief accountability officer. 

She told the state Board of Education Thursday that 19 districts are behind on the most recent year’s audit, and another 13 are missing audits for both fiscal years 2024 and 2023. Most have a plan in place to become compliant, Vanderford said. 

Education Department leaders have taken steps to be more proactive about struggling districts — amid a slew of fiscal issues and school takeovers. In recent months, the department took over two school districts — Wilkinson County and Okolona — the latter stemming from financial woes. 

READ MORE: ‘We can only go up from here’: Hope and apathy in Wilkinson County schools

Audits are required by federal law. Missing audits can mask urgent financial problems at school districts. 

In October, Okolona school district leaders reached out to the state education agency because they could not make the following month’s payroll. 

Chair Matt Miller during a State Board of Education meeting, Thursday, Dec. 18, 2025, in Jackson. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today

The state Board of Education approved taking over the district in November and subsequently voted in January to approve a temporary rule change that would put school districts with two or more outstanding audits on probation or downgrade their accreditation. Before, school districts could have missed filing four consecutive annual audits before potentially losing accreditation. 

The board made the rule change final on Thursday, ramping up accountability for districts behind on their audits.

“We don’t want any more Okolonas,” board chair Matt Miller said.

Some of the factors driving the missing audits are school administrative turnover, a lack of district business managers, auditor staffing shortages and the burdensome federal funding portion of the audits themselves, said Samantha Atkinson, director of the agency’s internal audit department.

“We do have a problem in Mississippi with a lack of CPA (accounting) firms that do audits for a number of reasons of which we can’t control,” board member Bill Jacobs said. “I don’t want to penalize a school district because there is an issue with finding CPAs that can do or will do the audits.”

But Vanderford said the agency is federally mandated to sanction schools missing their audits and doing so is in the public’s interest.

Miller said he was pleased with delinquent districts’ progress since November. 

School districts have until March 31 to submit financial audits for fiscal year 2025. Vanderford said at the meeting that this year’s audits are “coming in at a much faster pace.” Already, 63 of the state’s 138 public schools districts have submitted audits. 

Education officials have suggested suspending funding as a last resort for noncompliant districts.

There is “no way” the state Education Department’s Office of Accreditation would have capacity to review 32 districts at one time and downgrade their accreditation status, Vanderford told the board Thursday. Instead, if many districts are out of compliance this year, the agency would have to focus on the most egregious violators.

School districts across the state are facing more than financial struggles. On Thursday, the state Board of Education also approved 12 corrective action plans for districts that were largely sanctioned for fiscal and recordkeeping violations.

A majority of the districts with corrective action plans, which are meant to help districts correct issues of noncompliance with accreditation policies and process standards, are located in the Mississippi Delta. Jackson Public Schools, one of the state’s largest school districts, was put on probation in October for issues with school board policies, residency requirements, immunization requirements and student records. 

State Superintendent of Education Lance Evans during a meeting of the State Board of Education, Thursday, Dec. 18, 2025, in Jackson. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today

However, violations at two districts proved too severe for board approval. The board denied corrective action plans for Hazlehurst and North Bolivar school districts.  

Hazlehurst, which has been on probation for a decade, has been docked for issues such as poor recordkeeping, school board governance issues, dangerous campus conditions and not providing some special education services. With North Bolivar, the agency has also taken issue with the district’s nonfunctional alternative school, missing proof of employment for staff, poor recordkeeping, illegal school board policies, faulty financial reporting and poor fiscal management. North Bolivar schools have been on probation for nine years.

Vanderford said the agency needs to work more closely with both districts to bring them into compliance. Documentation from the agency also notes that districts have made insufficient progress in implementing the corrective actions detailed in their respective plans.

If the Hazlehurst and North Bolivar districts don’t correct their deficiencies by Dec. 31, they will be subject to an unannounced on-site audit or their accreditation may be withdrawn. Then, the state could take over those districts. 

But the state Education Department may not have the capacity for many more state takeovers. 

The state runs six school districts. State Superintendent Lance Evans said recently at a legislative meeting that there is only $4.8 million available to provide assistance to school districts taken over by the state. Since taking over Okolona schools, the agency has already spent $1.5 million. 

Evans has asked lawmakers for additional funding for next fiscal year.

Reporter Leonardo Bevilacqua contributed to this story.

Reporting on Rankin County Sheriff’s Department named a finalist for Goldsmith Prize

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The Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School has selected the Mississippi Today and New York Times investigation on abuse of power as one of six finalists for the 2026 Goldsmith Prize for Investigative Reporting.

“Abuse of Power: Beyond the Goon Squad” was reported and written by Mukta Joshi, Jerry Mitchell, Brian Howey, Nate Rosenfeld, Steph Quinn and Sarah Cohen in collaboration with The Times’ Local Investigative Reporting desk.

In 2023, the team at Mississippi Today and The New York Times reported that, for a generation, sheriff’s deputies known as the “Goon Squad” tortured suspected drug users across Rankin County, Mississippi, beating, burning and waterboarding their victims until they shared information. That reporting prompted a Justice Department investigation and a new state law increasing police oversight.

But, knowing that the full story was still unfolding, and in the face of mounting resistance and intimidation, the local and national collaboration continued reporting on the sheriff’s department. In 2025 they uncovered more extensive abuses: a sheriff allegedly using inmate labor for personal profit, a possible murder in the jail that had been written off as an accident, evidence of years of brutality in the jail, including a video showing guards shocking an intellectually disabled man with an electrified vest, and widespread abuse of Tasers by police across the state. 

This reporting led Mississippi lawmakers to propose two statewide Taser oversight laws, at least three investigations by state authorities and two probes by the FBI, a re-opened murder investigation, and several candidates indicating they will run against the sitting sheriff in 2027. 

The other finalists are Hanna Dreier and the staff of The New York Times; Alexandra Glorioso, Lawrence Mower and Justin Garcia for the Tampa Bay Times and Miami Herald; Eric Lipton, David Yaffe-Bellany, Ben Protess, Tripp Mickle, Bradley Hope, Paul Mozur, Andrea Fuller, Sharon LaFraniere, Seamus Hughes, Kenneth P. Vogel, Karen Yourish, Cecilia Kang, Ryan Mac, Theodore Schleifer, Charlie Smart and Elena Shao for The New York Times; Debbie Cenziper, Megan Rose and Brandon Roberts for ProPublica; and Craig Whitlock, Lisa Rein, Caitlin Gilbert for The Washington Post.

The Goldsmith Prize, first awarded in 1993 and funded by a gift from the Greenfield Foundation, honors the best public service investigative journalism that has made an impact on local, state or federal public policy or the practice of politics in the United States. Finalists receive $10,000, and the winner – to be announced at the April 9 ceremony – receives $25,000. All prize monies go to the journalist or team that produced the reporting.

“If there were any doubt about the continuing strength and impact of investigative reporting, this year’s finalists should silence the skeptics,” said Shorenstein Director Nancy Gibbs. “Because of their tireless work, Congressional committees held hearings, law enforcement launched or reopened investigations, and lawmakers introduced legislation and passed new laws. They have exposed fraud and corruption at every level of government and set a higher standard for transparency and accountability.”

The winner of the 2026 Goldsmith Prize for Investigative Reporting will be announced at the awards ceremony, to be held April 9 at the JFK Jr. Forum at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. The in-person ceremony will be livestreamed at GoldsmithAwards.org and ShorensteinCenter.org.

Former Mississippi Delta police chief pleads guilty to trafficking illegal drugs and accepting $37K in bribes

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OXFORD — Former Hollandale Police Chief Brandon Addison pleaded guilty Thursday to charges involving the transportation and distribution of illegal drugs through portions of the Mississippi Delta and into Memphis via Highway 61. 

He is the principal defendant in a federal drug trafficking case involving nine former Mississippi Delta law enforcement officers.

Addison, 41, also pleaded guilty to conspiracy. An indictment in October accused him of accepting $37,500 in multiple bribe payments, the most of any other defendant across six indictments of former Delta law enforcement officers and associates. He also traveled to Miami in April 2023 and September 2024 to discuss strategy with FBI agents posing as members of the Mexican drug cartel. 

Addison was also indicted in October for carrying or using a firearm during four drug trafficking runs as well as while conspiring to traffick illegal drugs. He also was charged with attempting to aid and abet the illegal transport of drugs on four separate dates, but the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Northern District of Mississippi dropped the charges as part of Addison’s plea agreement.

Addison previously served as a Humphreys County sheriff’s office deputy and also had worked for the  police departments in Arcola and Metcalfe.

Senior U.S. District Judge Michael P. Mills accepted Addison’s guilty plea and set sentencing for Aug. 13. Mills released Addison on the conditions of the $10,000 unsecured bond after his arrest.

Addison was arrested on Oct. 30 along with former Humphreys County sheriff’s deputy Javery Howard, former Washington County Sheriff Milton Gaston, former Washington County sheriff’s deputy Truron Grayson, former Humphreys County Sheriff Bruce Williams, four additional former law enforcement officers, a former corrections officer and five associates as part of the conspiracy to aid and abet the transport and distribution of roughly 55 pounds of cocaine on multiple runs. 

The U.S. Attorney’s Office dropped Washington County sheriff’s deputy Amber Holmes’ charges on Oct. 30 due to exonerating evidence from subsequent interviews with sources. Howard is scheduled to change his plea on March 26. 

The rest are scheduled for trial on July 20 in Oxford. Williams, who subsequently stepped down as sheriff, pleaded not guilty and promised to mount a “complete defense.”

Neither Addison nor his attorney Taylor Webb could immediately be reached for comment.

Under federal guidelines, Addison can be sentenced to between 10 years and life in prison. He could also face up to $10 million in fines.

On Oct. 30, the U.S. Department of Justice unsealed six indictments, which ensnared more than 14 current and former Mississippi Delta law enforcement officers. Those charged were arrested in pre-sunrise sweeps in some cases at private homes by special agents in armored cars.

The Justice Department charged current and former officers from sheriff’s offices in Washington, Humphreys and Sunflower counties and police departments in Greenville, Greenwood, Isola, Hollandale, Metcalfe and Yazoo City.

The department also charged Mississippi Delta-based former highway patrolman Marquivius Bankhead and former state Department of Corrections guard Marcus Nolan on drug trafficking charges.

Asahn Roach, who was named in the same indictment as Addison, was employed by Memphis-Shelby County Schools as a school resource officer. Pierre Lakes, a Drew native, owns a real estate investment company. Torio Chaz Wiseman was employed by the Memphis Business Academy charter school as a football coach.

At the conspiracy’s outset, a local drug dealer and FBI informant introduced Addison and Howard to an FBI agent posing as a member of the Mexican drug cartel who offered bribe payments in exchange for the safe transport of illegal narcotics, namely cocaine, through the Mississippi Delta. Addison and associates escorted the drug transports on three separate occasions in March 2023, March 2024 and July 2024, also escorting the proceeds of the drug trafficking in October 2023 and March 2024.

Lawmakers in Mississippi consider bill to restrict abortion medication

Audio recording is automated for accessibility. Humans wrote and edited the story.

House lawmakers are deliberating sending a bill to Gov. Tate Reeves that would make it illegal for doctors to prescribe medication that could be used to induce abortion to patients in Mississippi. 

Rep. Celeste Hurst, a Republican from Sandhill, said the intent of the legislation, which she introduced through an amendment to a drug trafficking bill, is to keep abortion medication, such as mifepristone and misoprostol, from entering Mississippi. The amendment would subject prescribers to no less than one year in prison. 

“There’s no oversight on this drug right now,” Hurst told Mississippi Today Wednesday. “Anyone, male or female, could fill out a form and have that drug shipped to them. A human trafficker could put it in a woman’s hot cocoa.”

Under the legislation, however, Mississippi could prosecute doctors. Currently, Mississippi doctors can prescribe the medications for purposes other than abortion. The legislation won’t technically change that, but experts say it will make doctors scared to prescribe certain drugs for non-abortion purposes.

The legislation specifies that doctors will be prosecuted only if they prescribe drugs, whose uses include inducing an abortion, with the intention of inducing an abortion. But intent is hard to prove, said Mary Ziegler, an expert on abortion law and a professor at University of California at Davis’ School of Law. If passed, the law could have a chilling effect on health care providers, making them more hesitant to prescribe medication in clinical settings for conditions other than abortion. 

Rep. Celeste Hurst, a Republican from Sandhill, comments during a meeting of the House Education Freedom Select Committee at the State Capitol on Sept. 25, 2025, in Jackson. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today

“The possibility of a misunderstanding or a false accusation is going to be intimidating to a lot of physicians,” Ziegler said. 

Mississippi already has a near total ban on abortions, but lawmakers have been unable to stop residents from ordering pills online from states where abortion is legal. Experts say this proposed legislation won’t stop them, either, but it might hurt Mississippians in life-threatening situations. 

Mifepristone and misoprostol, the most common form of abortion medication, have been proven safe and effective in terminating pregnancy. But these medications are also used to induce labor, stop postpartum hemorrhaging, and for conditions such as miscarriages, or early pregnancy loss.  

In reality, the proposed law “almost certainly” will have no impact on out-of-state providers, Ziegler said. Shield laws protect abortion providers, patients and helpers from out-of-state investigations, lawsuits and prosecutions in 22 states and Washington D.C

“If governors in places like New York refuse to extradite their doctors, it’s not clear that Mississippi would be able to do anything about that,” Ziegler said. 

Even before the Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs decision, which overturned the constitutional right to abortion, in-person abortions were very limited in Mississippi. Instead, women in the state have used mail-order abortion medication as an alternative. A 2020 study that examined more than 6,000 requests from U.S. residents for abortion pills from an online telemedicine service in 2017 and 2018 found that Mississippians requested the pills at a higher rate than people in any other state. 

In 2024, Louisiana passed a similar law. Dana Sussman, senior vice president at Pregnancy Justice, a group that defends the rights of pregnant people, said the law has created fear among health care providers. She said Louisiana doctors have been practicing drills ensuring they have enough time to run between patient rooms and storerooms where the medications are now kept under lock and key. 

Hurst told Mississippi Today she does not want to limit the use of drugs such as mifepristone and misoprostol in situations where they are medically necessary, including during a miscarriage. 

“If a doctor gave that medication for an abortion, they would be doing a criminal act,” Hurst said. “But if they prescribed it for something that is not abortion-inducing, then there’s nothing in that law, or in current law, that would prohibit them from doing that.”

But Sussman said that lawmakers’ intent has very little bearing on how laws are enforced. 

“If the law is broader than what her intent is, then it will have far-reaching consequences that she may not want to be responsible for,” Sussman said.

Senators accepted the House’s amendment on abortion medication and sent the bill back to the House, where lawmakers can advance it to the governor, or call for further negotiations with the Senate.

Residents react to data center proposals in Clinton, Clarksdale: Mississippi Marketplace

Audio recording is automated for accessibility. Humans wrote and edited the story.

On Monday, in meetings a hundred miles apart, Clinton and Clarksdale officials heard from residents about potential data centers coming to their respective towns.

Clinton has signed a fee-in-lieu of taxes agreement with a developer but the Clarksdale project is in very early talks.

Katherine Lin

While comments were mixed in both places, many Clarksdale residents see a data center as an economic boon for the city’s shrinking tax base and aging infrastructure.

“We’ve been praying for Clarksdale’s economic turnaround for a long time. And this is a godsend that can turn around Clarksdale,” said business owner Bob Wright during the meeting. 

Unions in Mississippi:

  • Ingalls Shipbuilding union workers in Pascagoula secured the largest pay raise in the company’s history, with an immediate increase of at least 18%.
  •  Ingalls is the largest manufacturing employer in the state, employing almost 11,000 workers in Mississippi.
  • About 4% of Mississippi workers are union members compared to 10% nationally. 
  • Last week, Gov. Tate Reeves signed SB 2202 into law. The law requires businesses receiving state economic development grants to have certain union organizing requirements, including requiring secret ballots for union organizing votes. 

Is child care a barrier to the state’s workforce development?

  • The Mississippi Business Alliance released a report surveying state business leaders’ views on child care for their employees and opportunities to expand employer support for child care.
  • 11% of respondents said they used current state child tax credits, but 19% were not aware of the tax credits.
  • “This research confirms that child care is no longer a marginal issue – it is a central workforce challenge with direct implications for business productivity, employee retention, and Mississippi’s long-term economic competitiveness,” the report concluded.

Business expansion and other news: