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Fact check: Reeves claims he was instrumental in health reforms, but his role is not so clear

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A new TV ad says that Mississippians “can count on Tate Reeves” to solve complicated problems like the state’s health crisis. 

However, it’s not clear how large of a role the first-term governor who is running for reelection this year has actually played in many of the policy measures proposed over the last year to curb the crisis. 

Though hospitals have been forced to close departments and lay off staff to stay open over the past several years, Reeves’ first major health care policy announcement came just a few weeks ago, just 47 days before the November election — after Reeves’ opponent, Democrat Brandon Presley, made the hospital crisis a cornerstone of his 2023 campaign.

During the September press conference, Reeves took credit for a handful of other health care policies passed by the Legislature this session, several of which were touted by Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann as part of his plan to help the state’s hospitals. 

Up until this month, Reeves had been largely silent about the health care crisis, aside from doubling down on his opposition to Medicaid expansion, the policy measure experts agree would help the most. When Mississippi Today previously asked Reeves about the hospital crisis, he brushed the concerns off, saying the solution was getting more people in the workforce and on private insurance.

Mississippi Today analyzed the accuracy of recent claims made by Reeves and his campaign staff about his role in stemming the state’s health care crisis. Here’s what we found.  

Leadership during pandemic

Reeves’ communications director, Hunter Estes, wrote on social media in September that the governor “led the state through COVID.”

Though Reeves has indeed been governor of Mississippi since the pandemic began in January 2020, the state hasn’t fared all that well.

The pandemic pushed already-struggling hospitals to the brink in Mississippi. Already thin hospital budget margins were made thinner during the pandemic, with both staffing shortages and costs of care increasing over a period of several months. One report now puts nearly half of rural hospitals at risk of closure in Mississippi.

At one point during the pandemic, Mississippi led the nation in COVID-19 deaths, and at various other points, the state’s COVID-19 caseload also ranked among the worst in the world. This came after Reeves loosened mask mandates and restrictions on non-essential gatherings — and his decisions often directly countered recommendations by the state’s health leaders. 

In two studies from the Council of Foreign Relations and the Commonwealth Fund that judged how well states performed and protected their residents during the pandemic, Mississippi’s COVID-19 performance was at the bottom of the list.

The Council of Foreign Relations analysis, which was largely based on states’ cumulative COVID-19 deaths and infections, ranked Mississippi second to last in health performance during the pandemic.

The Commonwealth Fund analysis, which judged health care access, quality, spending, health outcomes and equity, put Mississippi dead last.

Postpartum Medicaid extension

Reeves’ staffer also gave the governor credit for postpartum Medicaid extension, a policy measure that, until the final hour, Reeves refused to endorse, claiming he needed to see more data that proved its benefits. 

Health care experts in Mississippi had long implored state leaders to pass postpartum Medicaid extension, which extended health care coverage for new mothers on Medicaid from 60 days to one year. Mississippi leads the nation in infant mortality, and has one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the nation. 

For two years, the Senate tried to pass the legislation, only to be repeatedly thwarted by House leadership. House Speaker Phillip Gunn maintained that he wouldn’t support extending postpartum Medicaid coverage until Mississippi Medicaid’s director Drew Snyder, a Reeves appointee, recommended it. 

Snyder, who had along with his boss refused to take a stance on the legislation, finally wrote a letter in February encouraging its passage. With that letter in hand, Gunn stepped aside and allowed the bill to move through the legislative process.

Reeves publicly gave his approval soon after, and both chambers passed the bill.

Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann discusses legislative strategies to save hospitals and rectify staffing shortages during a press conference at the State Capitol, Wednesday, Jan. 18, 2023. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today

Nurse loan repayment plan and health care worker training

The student loan repayment plan for nurses claimed by Reeves at his press conference was introduced by Hosemann as part of his plan to help hospitals during the Legislative session. 

Aside from signing the bills into law after they went through the legislative process, it’s not clear what other involvement Reeves had.

Hosemann announced Senate Bill 2373 at a January press conference. Reeves was not present.

The bill is aimed at incentivizing nurses to stay in Mississippi and pays up to $6,000 per year for up to three years for nurses paying off student loans after graduation.

The most recent available data shows nurse shortage and turnover rates are at their highest levels in years. 

Senate Bill 2371, which allocates millions toward hospital residency and fellowship programs aimed at training and increasing the state’s health care workforce, was also introduced at Hosemann’s January press conference. 

When asked how involved the Governor was, Reeves’ Deputy Chief of Staff Cory Custer did not answer with any specificity. He said that Reeves “cannot single-handedly pass and sign legislation into law,” though his office is involved throughout the legislative process. 

“The lawmakers who passed the bill deserve tremendous credit,” Custer said.

When Mississippi Today asked Reeves’ office for more details about what he’s done to expand health care workers’ training opportunities, aside from signing SB 2371, Custer replied that Mississippi has invested almost $50 million in health care training programs over the last two years through AccelerateMS, a workforce development organization. Custer said Reeves — who appoints the chair of the State Workforce Investment Board, which hires the executive director of AccelerateMS — works closely with both the board and the organization.

“Expanding opportunities to train healthcare professionals has been a key priority for Governor Reeves,” Custer said in an emailed statement. “The state of Mississippi is aggressively implementing a range of initiatives that will strengthen healthcare infrastructure in Mississippi and better support healthcare professionals.”

Hosemann, a fellow Republican, would not say how involved Reeves was in the creation of the bills. 

“We have visited dozens of hospitals and met with physicians, nurses, mental health experts, pharmacists, assisted living professionals, Medicaid, healthcare educators, and others in the healthcare field,” he said in a statement to Mississippi Today. “From the knowledge we have gained, we intend to continue to support legislation to secure the future of the delivery of healthcare to our citizens.”

Mississippi Hospital Sustainability Grant program

The Mississippi Hospital Sustainability Grant program, which Reeves claimed as one of the measures he’s taken to improve health care at his September press conference, has been plagued with problems since its inception earlier this year. 

Similar to the bills that incentivize health care workers to stay in Mississippi, this was part of Hosemann’s proposed plan at the beginning of the session, and Reeves’ role in its exact creation is, again, unclear.

Shortly after the legislation’s passage, health care leaders realized the money granted in the program, which was meant to quickly send millions to struggling hospitals across the state, would be difficult to access. Instead of using state money, the program’s funds were sourced from federal pandemic relief funds, which most hospitals have already claimed. 

As of the end of September, no hospitals have received that money, which was meant to help hospitals survive the year. Issues with the program are still being resolved. 

One-time supplemental Medicaid payout

After proposed changes to the Mississippi Hospital Access Program didn’t result in large enough additional payments to hospitals, Medicaid payments were tweaked earlier this year, bringing in a one-time extra payment of $137 million. The state’s Division of Medicaid is housed under the Governor’s office, though Reeves’ direct role in this change isn’t obvious. 

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Marshall Ramsey: Old School

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I don’t think I’ve drawn former Attorney General Mike Moore in a decade or so…

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On this day in 1932

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Oct. 12, 1932

Dick Gregory at the Million Woman March in 1967 Credit: Wikipedia

Comedian and civil rights activist Dick Gregory was born in St. Louis. 

He belonged to a new generation of Black comics that dared to take on race. In one of his routines, he talked about eating down South in a segregated restaurant: 

“Then these three white boys came up to me and said, ‘Boy, we’re giving you fair warning. Anything you do to that chicken, we’re gonna do to you.’ So I put down my knife and fork, I picked up that chicken and I kissed it. Then I said, ‘Line up, boys!’” 

He was the first Black comic permitted to stay and talk with “Tonight Show” host Jack Paar. When he heard that surplus food had been cut off to the impoverished in the Mississippi Delta in 1963, he chartered a plane and sent 14,000 pounds of food. He marched in Greenwood with those demanding the right to vote, only to be confronted by police with dogs. When an officer dragged the comedian away, Gregory said, “Thanks a million. Up North, people don’t escort me across the street.” 

Gregory vowed the marches would continue: “We will march through your dogs, and if you get some elephants, we’ll march through them and bring on your tigers and we’ll march through them.” 

He spent four days in jail with other protesters, including children: “Had you been there, as I was, walking through, listening, it was really something to be proud of, really something to be proud of. And if something ever happens and you have to do it again, don’t hesitate.” 

Gregory also worked with Martin Luther King Jr. and others, using his comedy as a weapon against bigotry. At a mass meeting at a church in Clarksdale, Mississippi, a bomb came through the window, and people dashed to the door. “Where are you going?” Gregory asked. “The man who threw it is outside God’s house. The Man who’s supposed to save you lives here.” 

In 2015, he received a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, and his life story became the subject of a one-man play produced by artist John Legend. The title of the play? “Turn Me Loose” — after Mississippi NAACP leader Medgar Evers’ last words when he was fatally hot in 1968. 

Gregory died in 2017 at the age of 84.

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Welfare scandal defendant sues Gov. Tate Reeves, claims he’s protecting himself and political allies

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A defendant in the state’s welfare scandal lawsuit sued Gov. Tate Reeves on Wednesday, claiming the governor is illegally controlling the lawsuit to protect himself and political allies including former Gov. Phil Bryant and Republican-leaning SuperTalk radio. 

The lawsuit calls for an injunction removing Reeves from control of the state’s lawsuit regarding the welfare scandal and for the governor to repay the state millions of dollars for money spent on a private audit and private law firm.

The lawsuit also includes previously unreleased text messages about Reeves from officials with a drug company, Prevacus, championed by former NFL star Brett Favre. Authorities say the company illegally received welfare money. The lawsuit says the messages show Bryant — whom “Defendant Reeves refuses to sue” — persuaded Prevacus to support Reeves to continue the flow of welfare funds to the company.

As Reeves was running for governor and Bryant was preparing to leave office, the head of the drug company, Jake Vanlandingham, texted, “Tate Reeves is our new guy,” to his company’s board members, and that he was going to meet with Bryant and Reeves, “Hoping to keep that non-dilute (funding) running our way!!” Non-dilutive is funding for a company where the company loses no equity.

One board member responded, “A very sweet deal. Who do we send campaign contributions to?” Vanlandingham, who is now a defendant in the state lawsuit, responded Reeves.

Another board member commented, “Let me get this process down correct. We get $2 million from MS Gov Office and we ear mark some of the funds to the next MS Gov. Campaign fund. America at its best.” 

Vanlandingham responded, “Haha. Not the case.” A few days later, he messaged Favre that he was about to meet with Reeves and, “… we get more grant funds first week of July.” He later texted Favre that he “had a good talk with Tate Reeves.”

Reeves is ‘refusing to sue Bryant’ and SuperTalk radio

The lawsuit was filed by Austin Smith, the nephew of convicted former welfare chief John Davis and former manager of two programs targeted in state and federal investigations. The state is suing Smith for nearly $500,000. He’s one of 47 defendants from whom Mississippi is trying to claw back millions in misspent or stolen welfare money. Attorney Jim Waide, who is representing Smith, has previously claimed in court filings that Reeves and former Gov. Phil Bryant should be defendants in the state’s case.

The new lawsuit claims Reeves is refusing to sue Bryant, even though “there is overwhelming evidence of Bryant’s direct involvement” in both funding the drug company and providing $6 million in welfare funds for a volleyball stadium at Bryant’s and Favre’s alma mater, the University of Southern Mississippi. The lawsuit notes a separate criminal defendant in the scandal has alleged Bryant, who has not been charged by state or federal authorities, directed payments of over $1 million to Favre.

A Reeves governor’s office spokeswoman issued only a short response when asked about the lawsuit Wednesday: “The State of Mississippi is fighting to claw back every single dollar that was misspent in the scandal that occurred before Governor Reeves assumed this office.”

Reeves’ campaign later issued a separate statement: “It’s no surprise that some of the defendants who are being sued by the Reeves administration are unhappy because he is aggressively pursuing this case and working to claw back every misspent dollar. It’s another signal of how hard he is working to address this scandal from before his time in office.”

The lawsuit also claims Reeves is neglecting to sue Telesouth Communications Inc., which operates the SuperTalk radio network. It says that the network received $600,000 in welfare funds for advertising that was “made without the fair and open competition required by federal regulations.” The lawsuit refers to SuperTalk as “the Republican Party’s chief media advocate,” and not suing SuperTalk while suing “politically powerless defendants” such as Smith is an abuse of process, arbitrary government action and a denial of equal protection of the law. 

Is Reeves in charge of investigating himself?

Reeves made clear last year that he was calling major shots in the state investigation and lawsuit to recoup millions in stolen or misspent welfare money. The Mississippi Department of Human Services, in charge of the welfare spending, reports to the governor’s office. Reeves had dismissed — for political reasons — the private attorney who had been handling the case for the state. The state auditor, who first uncovered the massive fraud and scandal, said this move by Reeves was a mistake.

After the state hired a Jackson-based law firm — a campaign donor to Reeves — to take over the suit, the governor vowed the state “will vigorously pursue this case … wherever it leads,” and will “eagerly cooperate with … criminal investigators” also probing the scandal.  

Last year, Waide asked the state court to examine whether Reeves is controlling the case to protect himself and his supporters. He said Reeves should be a target of the welfare lawsuit, not in charge of it.

READ MORE: Welfare agency set to depose Brett Favre, but both want to conceal transcripts

The new lawsuit filed this week claims Reeves, who oversees the state’s welfare agency, lacked legal authority to spend $2 million in welfare funds to hire a private accounting firm “to duplicate an audit already lawfully performed by the state auditor.” Mississippi Today reporting last year showed the MDHS director Reeves appointed pushed to limit who and what the hired audit could examine, and he tried to keep the state auditor and other law enforcement agencies out of the mix. A deputy state auditor referred to the audit as a “whitewash.” 

READ MORE: ‘A whitewash’: Emails show MDHS pushed to hamstring probe into welfare misspending

The new lawsuit said Reeves also lacked authority to hire a private law firm to handle the state’s lawsuit to recoup money, and that the use of welfare money to pay the law firm violates federal law.

Reeves involvement in the welfare scandal questioned

The lawsuit also claims “Reeves may have been involved in” a transaction with his former personal trainer, Paul Lacoste, another defendant in the state lawsuit. 

Mississippi Today reports have previously uncovered text messages that connect the governor to Lacoste. The texts show former welfare director John Davis, who has pleaded guilty to federal and state criminal charges in the scandal, directed a subordinate to send $1.3 million in welfare funds for “the Lieutenant Governor’s (Reeves’) fitness issue.” 

Mississippi Today has also reported texts that show the governor’s brother, Todd Reeves, coordinated with state Auditor Shad White on damage control for former NFL star Brett Favre. An audit revealed the athlete had received $1.1 million in welfare funds for speeches the auditor said Favre never made. Todd Reeves also had arranged conversations with Gov. Reeves so that Favre could ask for the governor’s help in funding a volleyball stadium at the University of Southern Mississippi, a key focus of investigation to date into the welfare scandal. 

Reeves last year said he dismissed the attorney who had been handling the case for the state. That lawyer, former U.S. attorney Brad Pigott, was removed from the case after he attempted to subpoena the University of Southern Mississippi Athletic Foundation’s communication with former Gov. Phil Bryant and others. Authorities say $5 million in welfare money was improperly diverted to build the volleyball stadium at USM. 

Reeves’ staff had already forced Pigott to remove the university’s athletic foundation — whose board is made up of many of Reeves’ major campaign donors — from the civil suit.  

Reeves said he ousted Pigott, who had worked on the case for about a year, because he wasn’t up to the task of such a large lawsuit and that Pigott had a “political agenda” and craved the media spotlight. Pigott said he was fired on Reeves’ orders because he sought communications between the USM foundation, Bryant, Bryant’s wife, Deborah, and Favre involving the stadium.

Should Reeves recuse himself?

John Pelissero is an author and expert on government ethics. He is a longtime political science professor and former provost at Loyola University Chicago and a senior scholar in government at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University. 

Pelissero said he believes Reeves “should recuse himself from being directly involved in this investigation” and making decisions such as which lawyers to hire or fire.  

Pelissero said that even if there was no wrongdoing by Reeves, the basic tenets of government ethics would call for him to bow out of the mix because of questions about him and his brother, campaign contributions Reeves accepted from defendants and other issues. 

“I would think the governor would recuse himself from being directly involved in this based on a couple of things … One, the governor is alleged to have steered some of the funds, these welfare funds, to other projects,” Pelissero said. “Two, he’s got a family member who has some involvement with one of the individuals being sued, that being the former quarterback. 

“… There are two broad ethical categories here,” Pelissero said. “One is the question of whether there is a direct violation of law or policy … But the other ethical issue that arises is when there simply appears to be the possibility something unethical is going on. That perception can be just as corrosive to trust in government as a legal or policy violation.”

READ MORE: Gov. Bryant promised to release ‘all’ his welfare scandal-related texts. But some key ones are missing.

Attorney General hasn’t filed state charges in scandal

Attorney General Lynn Fitch’s office is ostensibly co-counsel in the case, and has signed off on hiring attorneys and other matters. But the state’s chief legal officer has publicly shown little interest in and had scant comment about the case. Fitch, notably, has not filed any state charges in what state Auditor Shad White called the “largest public embezzlement case in state history.” Since White first uncovered misspending four years ago, state criminal prosecution has been left up to the local Hinds County district attorney’s office, with Reeves and others vowing the state is cooperating with federal investigators. 

Fitch did not respond to questions about Reeves’ making it clear he is in charge of the investigation and lawsuit, or whether she believes she or someone else should be in charge and Reeves not involved given questions about his possible conflicts. The new lawsuit contends that only Fitch has the authority to handle the suit and that her office should fund any private attorneys, who should be hired on a contingency fee basis. 

In the past, Mississippi attorneys general have jealously guarded their authority to bring and control lawsuits on behalf of the state or agencies, and clashed with governors. Former Gov. Kirk Fordice in the 1990s attempted to prevent Attorney General Mike Moore from suing tobacco companies on behalf of the state. Moore prevailed.

READ MORE: Gov. Tate Reeves says ousted welfare scandal lawyer had ‘political agenda,’ wanted media spotlight

State legislative leaders have likewise shown little interest in getting to the bottom of the scandal, preventing such from happening again or the state’s efforts to recoup stolen or misspent millions.  

When asked whether, given questions about Reeves’ own involvement or his brother’s, they believe Reeves should still be in charge of the state’s investigation and lawsuit, Fitch, House Speaker Philip Gunn and likely next House Speaker Rep. Jason White declined comment. 

A source close to the House leadership said, “the House leadership has not been privy to, nor kept in the loop on, the investigation and is not aware of anyone in the Legislature being informed or updated on the investigation and litigation.” 

A spokeswoman for Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann said: “Our understanding is that the Attorney General’s Office represents the state (in the litigation).”

New lawsuit claims Reeves should repay state for airplane use

Eight people have been criminally charged in the welfare scandal. Seven have pleaded guilty, but remain free with sentencing postponed for agreeing to cooperate with prosecutors.

Federal authorities continue investigating, but have been silent about the investigation or anyone else who may be under scrutiny. Mississippi has long been without a permanent U.S. attorney to oversee the case, until the U.S. Senate broke an impasse on Sept. 29 and confirmed Todd Gee, a U.S. Department of Justice veteran overseeing public corruption cases.

The lawsuit filed on behalf of Smith in Hinds County Circuit Court on Wednesday claims Reeves is suing some people who will already be required to pay the money back because of federal law, and suing others who are “judgement proof” — with little or no means to repay large sums of money.

The new lawsuit also contains what appears to be an odd aside: It says Reeves should be liable for his use of the state airplane “for political purposes.” Mississippi Today recently published reports that Reeves has spent at least $31,000 using the state plan for apparent political trips.

“If low-level, local government employees are criminally prosecuted for embezzlement when they allegedly use government property for non-governmental purposes, then a state official should, at least, be held civilly liable for his or her use of a state airplane for non governmental purposes,” the lawsuit reads. 

Smith in the lawsuit is specifically asking for: a trial by jury, a judgment for the benefit of MDHS for money paid for the second state audit and for private attorneys, an injunction removing Reeves from control of the lawsuit, a judgement for Reeves to repay the state for use of the airplane, and reasonable attorneys’ fees.

Mississippi Today reporter Anna Wolfe contributed to this report.

Update 10/11/23: This story has been updated from its original version to include a statement from Gov. Tate Reeves’ office and another from his campaign.

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Solar energy company threatens to sue Tate Reeves campaign for airing ‘defamatory’ TV ad

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Employees of a company that Republican Gov. Tate Reeves’ campaign accused in a TV ad of illegally donating to his Democratic opponent, Brandon Presley, is threatening to sue the governor’s campaign if it doesn’t take the ad off the air.

Jackson-based attorney William Manuel wrote a letter on behalf of solar energy company Silicon Ranch to Reeves campaign manager Elliott Husbands, saying the ad contains audio “falsely accusing” employees of the energy company of breaking the law. 

“In consideration of the foregoing, should you fail to immediately cease broadcasting, publishing, and promoting the subject of the advertisement, Silicon Ranch will pursue all available legal remedies to cease the publication of this defamatory advertisement, including seeking injunctive relief and damages for the continued improper publishing and broadcasting of the advertisement,” Manuel wrote.

READ MORE: The full cease-and-desist letter the Reeves campaign received

The ad in question aired on Oct. 6 and accused Presley, north Mississippi’s current public service commissioner, of illegally accepting campaign contributions from employees of the Tennessee-based company that does business in Mississippi. Presley has denied his campaign ran afoul of state campaign finance law with the donations. 

The basis for Reeves’ ad revolves around a statute that forbids public service commissioners, who regulate public utilities, from taking campaign donations from representatives of public utilities the commission is responsible for regulating. 

But Manuel contends in the letter that Silicon Ranch, a producer of of solar energy, is not considered a public utility under Mississippi law, which would, in theory, clear the way for Presley to accept those donations legally. 

Clifton Carroll, a Reeves spokesman, told Mississippi Today in a statement that Manuel’s letter shows Reeves and the Silicon Ranch donors are “afraid of being caught using campaign donations to corruptly influence PSC actions.”

“…When applying the law and the facts to the matter at hand, it is unlawful for Brandon Presley to accept campaign contributions from any agent of the Corporation,” Carroll said. “And that’s exactly what Brandon Presley did.” 

The cease and desist letter cites a 2017 order that was approved unanimously by the three-member Public Service Commission. The order was based on the findings of the Public Service Commission staff, which is independent of the commission itself. The director of the PSC staff was appointed by then-Gov. Phil Bryant.

The order states: “Petitioner Silicon Ranch is not a public utility and the project is not utility property under the laws of the state of Mississippi. It is further ordered that petitioner Silicon Ranch is not subject to the Commission’s jurisdiction except for the requirement of obtaining a certificate of public convenience and necessity.”

The order gave Silicon Ranch the authority to generate and sell electricity generated at a site in Lauderdale County to Mississippi Power, a public utility. Silicon Ranch was not providing electricity to the general public.

The Reeves campaign ads accusing Presley and Silicon Ranch of violating state law have run extensively across the state for several days. The cease-and-desist letter also was sent to Mississippi and Memphis television stations. But as of Wednesday morning, the ad was still airing.

If the solar company does follow through with legal action against the governor’s campaign, it could mean they will have to spend money defending the ad in court and prove the contents were not defamatory.

Reeves and Presley will compete against one another in the state’s general election on Nov. 7.

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The Pulse: Greenwood Leflore Hospital’s interim CEO Gary Marchand

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Greenwood Leflore Hospital’s interim CEO Gary Marchand discusses what would happen if the hospital is not granted a critical access designation and the hospital’s growth strategy.

READ MORE: County supervisors reverse course, give $3 million to Greenwood Leflore Hospital

Mississippi health news you can’t get anywhere else.

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Podcast: Buying or selling the Rebels?

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The Ole Miss Rebels are 5-1 at the midway point in the season, climbing as high as No. 13 in the national polls. With Rick on vacation, Tyler is joined by WJTV sports anchor Blake Levine to discuss the Rebels’ rise, the Saints’ latest win and the Atlanta Braves’ post-season prospects.

Stream all episodes here.


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Democrat Brandon Presley outraises GOP Gov. Tate Reeves in home stretch of governor’s race

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Democrat Brandon Presley outraised incumbent Republican Gov. Tate Reeves at least 4-to-1 over the last three months, campaign finance reports filed on Tuesday showed.

And the two gubernatorial candidates in this year’s campaign have gone toe-to-toe with spending, each at nearly $7 million for their races to date, the reports also showed.

Presley’s large haul is thanks primarily to the national Democratic Governor’s Association donating nearly $3 million to his campaign. The DGA had previously contributed $750,000 to Presley’s campaign. The donations signify the national Democratic Party’s interest in the race, with the DGA in a press release saying Reeves is “deeply unpopular and vulnerable.”

The Democratic candidate’s campaign reported raising $4.4 million from July 30 to September 30. But Reeves’ new report covered the period from July 1 through September. During that period, Presley raised over $5.6 million — leading Reeves’ fundraising by 5-to-1.

“With these strong fundraising numbers, our campaign has the momentum to send Tate Reeves packing so we can expand Medicaid on day one, tackle corruption head on, and cut taxes for Mississippi families,” Presley campaign manager Ron Owens said in a statement.

Reeves, on the other hand, raised over $1.6 million over the last three months, with his largest contribution of $100,000 coming from Centene, a St. Louis-based managed care company that does business with the state’s Medicaid agency.

READ MORE: Mississippi reaches $55.5M settlement with state’s largest Medicaid contractor Centene over pharmacy benefits

Reeves in a social media post on Tuesday did not address his own campaign numbers, but criticized Presley for accepting money from the DGA, an organization he called a “liberal Washington D.C. PAC.”

“Ask yourself: why are they dropping historic money on Mississippi to flip it blue?” Reeves wrote. “It’s because they know Brandon Presley will govern like a liberal democrat.”

Going into the homestretch before the Nov. 7 election, Reeves has more than $6 million in campaign cash — nearly $2 million of it in a “legacy” account that he could cash in and use personally, grandfathered under old, lax state laws. Presley has only $1.8 million cash on hand in his latest report.

Another noteworthy campaign report filed Tuesday was incumbent Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann’s. Although his general race challenger, little-known Hattiesburg businessman D. Ryan Grover, is not expected to be competitive, Hosemann’s report showed he had to spend millions this summer fending off a primary challenge from Republican Chris McDaniel.

Hosemann spent $5.5 million for the primary, a record for a Mississippi lieutenant governor’s race. McDaniel’s campaign was helped by millions of dollars of out-of-state dark money spending, some of which is allegedly still being scrutinized by authorities.

Candidates are required file one last campaign finance report on Oct. 31 before the general election on Nov. 7.

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State revenue slows as phase-in of income tax cuts begins

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Mississippi tax collections have taken a downward trend during the first quarter of the new fiscal year as the state has collected $18.9 million or 1.02% less than what was collected during the same time last year.

The slowdown comes during the first year of the phase-in of the largest tax cut in state history.

READ MORE: Mississippi lawmakers pass the largest tax cut in state history

According to the revenue report recently released by the staff of the Mississippi Legislative Budget Committee, the state collected $1.83 billion between July 1 and Sept. 30. The slowdown in collections comes on the heels of unprecedented growth in recent years.

But the slowdown, unless it gets much worse, should not impact the state budget for the current fiscal year. The reason it will not have an impact is despite unprecedented growth in recent years, legislative leaders and Gov. Tate Reeves have adopted revenue estimates not reflective of that growth.

The official revenue estimate represents the amount of money available for the Legislature to appropriate for the dozens of state agencies, for local school districts, for higher education and other state services.

If revenue collections fall short of the estimate, state leaders either have to dip into reserve funds or make cuts.

But during the first three months of the current budget year, collections are $85.8 million or 4.9% above the estimate, despite revenue being below the amount collected last year.

Mississippi, like most states, experienced unprecedented revenue growth following the COVID-19 pandemic as millions of dollars in federal relief funds poured into the state. Revenue grew a record 15.9% for the fiscal year beginning July 1, 2020, through June 30, 2021, followed by 8.1% growth the next year and 4.4% growth last year.

Throughout those years, revenue estimates were much lower than actual growth, meaning that the money was not used for appropriations that year. Instead, the revenue exceeding the estimate was used in the following year by the Legislature primarily for capital projects, such as building and tourism projects throughout the state.

Through the first quarter, sales tax collections, the largest single source of revenue, were up $28.4 million or 4.2% over the previous year. But income tax collections, the second largest source of revenue, were down $65 million or 10.3%. The slowdown in income tax collections is occurring during the first year of a four-year phase-in of a $525 million cut in the state income tax.

The use tax collections, a 7% tax or items purchased out-of-state such as via internet sales, were up $11.5 million or 12.6%.

A key in the collections during the first three months is that revenue from sources other than tax sources, such as interest earnings, was up $21.6 million or 45.6%.

The slowdown in collections comes in the midst of campaigns for governor and legislative seats. And the slowdown comes as legislative leaders and Gov. Reeves, who is seeking re-election this November against Democrat Brandon Presley, work on developing a budget proposal for the Legislature to consider during the 2024 session starting in January.

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