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¡Hola! Me llamo Mukta Joshi y soy reportera de investigación en Mississippi Today.
Llevo casi dos años escribiendo sobre la mala conducta policial y el poder de los sheriffs en nuestro estado. Ahora, al comenzar una beca de un año en The New York Times, voy a poner mi atención en un tema que ha acaparado los titulares en todo el país, aunque no tanto aquí en casa: la detención de inmigrantes por parte del ICE.
Las redadas del ICE se han estado llevando a cabo a una escala sin precedentes en las grandes ciudades de todo el país, incluido el sur. Es bien sabido que Texas y Luisiana albergan a más detenidos del ICE que cualquier otro estado.
¿Pero sabías que Misisipi desempeña un papel especial en la aplicación de las leyes migratorias?
A pesar de tener una de las poblaciones de inmigrantes más pequeñas, Misisipi alberga el segundo centro de detención del ICE más grande de todo el país: el Centro Correccional del Condado de Adams en Natchez, que alberga a más de 2000 detenidos.
El gobierno federal limita el acceso a los centros de detención del ICE. No se inspeccionan con tanta frecuencia como las prisiones estatales. Solo los familiares directos y los abogados pueden visitar a los detenidos. Y como el centro del condado de Adams es propiedad y está gestionado por una empresa privada con ánimo de lucro, CoreCivic, no está sujeto a las leyes de registros públicos, y los contribuyentes no pueden ver lo que ocurre en su interior.
Durante los próximos meses, vamos a averiguar todo lo que podamos sobre el centro, desde quiénes están recluidos allí hasta cómo afecta a la economía local.
Nos gustaría que nos acompañaras.
Cada viernes por la mañana, tengo pensado publicar algo sobre mi reportaje: lo que voy averiguando sobre el funcionamiento del centro, sobre las personas que están allí o sobre el impacto que tiene el centro de detención en la comunidad alrededor. Podrás encontrarlo en la página web de Mississippi Today, en nuestras redes sociales y en nuestro boletín de los viernes. Y puedes seguirme en X @mukta_jo.
Empezaré a publicar el 27 de marzo. Mientras tanto, si sabes algo sobre el centro de detención, si conoces a alguien que trabaje allí o que esté detenido allí, o si quieres que averigüe algo al respecto para los lectores, por favor, ponte en contacto conmigo.
No usaré tu nombre ni ninguna parte de tu mensaje sin contactarte primero. Si prefieres ponerte en contacto conmigo de forma anónima, envíame un mensaje por Signal @mmj.2178. O puedes comunicarte por correo electrónico a mukta.joshi@nytimes.com.
Nuestra dirección postal es P. O. Box 12267, Jackson, MS 39236.
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The number of school districts missing annual financial audits is going down, falling to 32 from 47 since the Mississippi Department of Education has drawn attention to this issue, according to Paula Vanderford, the agency’s chief accountability officer.
She told the state Board of Education Thursday that 19 districts are behind on the most recent year’s audit, and another 13 are missing audits for both fiscal years 2024 and 2023. Most have a plan in place to become compliant, Vanderford said.
Education Department leaders have taken steps to be more proactive about struggling districts — amid a slew of fiscal issues and school takeovers. In recent months, the department took over two school districts — Wilkinson County and Okolona — the latter stemming from financial woes.
Audits are required by federal law. Missing audits can mask urgent financial problems at school districts.
In October, Okolona school district leaders reached out to the state education agency because they could not make the following month’s payroll.
Chair Matt Miller during a State Board of Education meeting, Thursday, Dec. 18, 2025, in Jackson. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
The state Board of Education approved taking over the district in November and subsequently voted in January to approve a temporary rule change that would put school districts with two or more outstanding audits on probation or downgrade their accreditation. Before, school districts could have missed filing four consecutive annual audits before potentially losing accreditation.
The board made the rule change final on Thursday, ramping up accountability for districts behind on their audits.
“We don’t want any more Okolonas,” board chair Matt Miller said.
Some of the factors driving the missing audits are school administrative turnover, a lack of district business managers, auditor staffing shortages and the burdensome federal funding portion of the audits themselves, said Samantha Atkinson, director of the agency’s internal audit department.
“We do have a problem in Mississippi with a lack of CPA (accounting) firms that do audits for a number of reasons of which we can’t control,” board member Bill Jacobs said. “I don’t want to penalize a school district because there is an issue with finding CPAs that can do or will do the audits.”
But Vanderford said the agency is federally mandated to sanction schools missing their audits and doing so is in the public’s interest.
Miller said he was pleased with delinquent districts’ progress since November.
School districts have until March 31 to submit financial audits for fiscal year 2025. Vanderford said at the meeting that this year’s audits are “coming in at a much faster pace.” Already, 63 of the state’s 138 public schools districts have submitted audits.
Education officials have suggested suspending funding as a last resort for noncompliant districts.
There is “no way” the state Education Department’s Office of Accreditation would have capacity to review 32 districts at one time and downgrade their accreditation status, Vanderford told the board Thursday. Instead, if many districts are out of compliance this year, the agency would have to focus on the most egregious violators.
School districts across the state are facing more than financial struggles. On Thursday, the state Board of Education also approved 12 corrective action plans for districts that were largely sanctioned for fiscal and recordkeeping violations.
A majority of the districts with corrective action plans, which are meant to help districts correct issues of noncompliance with accreditation policies and process standards, are located in the Mississippi Delta. Jackson Public Schools, one of the state’s largest school districts, was put on probation in October for issues with school board policies, residency requirements, immunization requirements and student records.
State Superintendent of Education Lance Evans during a meeting of the State Board of Education, Thursday, Dec. 18, 2025, in Jackson. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
However, violations at two districts proved too severe for board approval. The board denied corrective action plans for Hazlehurst and North Bolivar school districts.
Hazlehurst, which has been on probation for a decade, has been docked for issues such as poor recordkeeping, school board governance issues, dangerous campus conditions and not providing some special education services. With North Bolivar, the agency has also taken issue with the district’s nonfunctional alternative school, missing proof of employment for staff, poor recordkeeping, illegal school board policies, faulty financial reporting and poor fiscal management. North Bolivar schools have been on probation for nine years.
Vanderford said the agency needs to work more closely with both districts to bring them into compliance. Documentation from the agency also notes that districts have made insufficient progress in implementing the corrective actions detailed in their respective plans.
If the Hazlehurst and North Bolivar districts don’t correct their deficiencies by Dec. 31, they will be subject to an unannounced on-site audit or their accreditation may be withdrawn. Then, the state could take over those districts.
But the state Education Department may not have the capacity for many more state takeovers.
The state runs six school districts. State Superintendent Lance Evans said recently at a legislative meeting that there is only $4.8 million available to provide assistance to school districts taken over by the state. Since taking over Okolona schools, the agency has already spent $1.5 million.
Evans has asked lawmakers for additional funding for next fiscal year.
Reporter Leonardo Bevilacqua contributed to this story.
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The Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School has selected the Mississippi Today and New York Times investigation on abuse of power as one of six finalists for the 2026 Goldsmith Prize for Investigative Reporting.
“Abuse of Power: Beyond the Goon Squad” was reported and written by Mukta Joshi, Jerry Mitchell, Brian Howey, Nate Rosenfeld, Steph Quinn and Sarah Cohen in collaboration with The Times’ Local Investigative Reporting desk.
In 2023, the team atMississippi Todayand The New York Times reported that, for a generation, sheriff’s deputies known as the “Goon Squad” tortured suspected drug users across Rankin County, Mississippi, beating, burning and waterboarding their victims until they shared information. That reporting prompted a Justice Department investigation and a new state law increasing police oversight.
But, knowing that the full story was still unfolding, and in the face of mounting resistance and intimidation, the local and national collaboration continued reporting on the sheriff’s department. In 2025 they uncovered more extensive abuses: a sheriff allegedly using inmate labor for personal profit, a possible murder in the jail that had been written off as an accident, evidence of years of brutality in the jail, including a video showing guards shocking an intellectually disabled man with an electrified vest, and widespread abuse of Tasers by police across the state.
This reporting led Mississippi lawmakers to propose two statewide Taser oversight laws, at least three investigations by state authorities and two probes by the FBI, a re-opened murder investigation, and several candidates indicating they will run against the sitting sheriff in 2027.
The other finalists are Hanna Dreier and the staff of The New York Times; Alexandra Glorioso, Lawrence Mower and Justin Garcia for the Tampa Bay Times and Miami Herald; Eric Lipton, David Yaffe-Bellany, Ben Protess, Tripp Mickle, Bradley Hope, Paul Mozur, Andrea Fuller, Sharon LaFraniere, Seamus Hughes, Kenneth P. Vogel, Karen Yourish, Cecilia Kang, Ryan Mac, Theodore Schleifer, Charlie Smart and Elena Shao for The New York Times; Debbie Cenziper, Megan Rose and Brandon Roberts for ProPublica; and Craig Whitlock, Lisa Rein, Caitlin Gilbert for The Washington Post.
The Goldsmith Prize, first awarded in 1993 and funded by a gift from the Greenfield Foundation, honors the best public service investigative journalism that has made an impact on local, state or federal public policy or the practice of politics in the United States. Finalists receive $10,000, and the winner – to be announced at the April 9 ceremony – receives $25,000. All prize monies go to the journalist or team that produced the reporting.
“If there were any doubt about the continuing strength and impact of investigative reporting, this year’s finalists should silence the skeptics,” said Shorenstein Director Nancy Gibbs. “Because of their tireless work, Congressional committees held hearings, law enforcement launched or reopened investigations, and lawmakers introduced legislation and passed new laws. They have exposed fraud and corruption at every level of government and set a higher standard for transparency and accountability.”
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OXFORD — Former Hollandale Police Chief Brandon Addison pleaded guilty Thursday to charges involving the transportation and distribution of illegal drugs through portions of the Mississippi Delta and into Memphis via Highway 61.
He is the principal defendant in a federal drug trafficking case involving nine former Mississippi Delta law enforcement officers.
Addison, 41, also pleaded guilty to conspiracy. An indictment in October accused him of accepting $37,500 in multiple bribe payments, the most of any other defendant across six indictments of former Delta law enforcement officers and associates. He also traveled to Miami in April 2023 and September 2024 to discuss strategy with FBI agents posing as members of the Mexican drug cartel.
Addison was also indicted in October for carrying or using a firearm during four drug trafficking runs as well as while conspiring to traffick illegal drugs. He also was charged with attempting to aid and abet the illegal transport of drugs on four separate dates, but the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Northern District of Mississippi dropped the charges as part of Addison’s plea agreement.
Addison previously served as a Humphreys County sheriff’s office deputy and also had worked for the police departments in Arcola and Metcalfe.
Senior U.S. District Judge Michael P. Mills accepted Addison’s guilty plea and set sentencing for Aug. 13. Mills released Addison on the conditions of the $10,000 unsecured bond after his arrest.
Addison was arrested on Oct. 30 along with former Humphreys County sheriff’s deputy Javery Howard, former Washington County Sheriff Milton Gaston, former Washington County sheriff’s deputy Truron Grayson, former Humphreys County Sheriff Bruce Williams, four additional former law enforcement officers, a former corrections officer and five associates as part of the conspiracy to aid and abet the transport and distribution of roughly 55 pounds of cocaine on multiple runs.
The U.S. Attorney’s Office dropped Washington County sheriff’s deputy Amber Holmes’ charges on Oct. 30 due to exonerating evidence from subsequent interviews with sources. Howard is scheduled to change his plea on March 26.
The rest are scheduled for trial on July 20 in Oxford. Williams, who subsequently stepped down as sheriff, pleaded not guilty and promised to mount a “complete defense.”
Neither Addison nor his attorney Taylor Webb could immediately be reached for comment.
Under federal guidelines, Addison can be sentenced to between 10 years and life in prison. He could also face up to $10 million in fines.
On Oct. 30, the U.S. Department of Justice unsealed six indictments, which ensnared more than 14 current and former Mississippi Delta law enforcement officers. Those charged were arrested in pre-sunrise sweeps in some cases at private homes by special agents in armored cars.
The Justice Department charged current and former officers from sheriff’s offices in Washington, Humphreys and Sunflower counties and police departments in Greenville, Greenwood, Isola, Hollandale, Metcalfe and Yazoo City.
The department also charged Mississippi Delta-based former highway patrolman Marquivius Bankhead and former state Department of Corrections guard Marcus Nolan on drug trafficking charges.
At the conspiracy’s outset, a local drug dealer and FBI informant introduced Addison and Howard to an FBI agent posing as a member of the Mexican drug cartel who offered bribe payments in exchange for the safe transport of illegal narcotics, namely cocaine, through the Mississippi Delta. Addison and associates escorted the drug transports on three separate occasions in March 2023, March 2024 and July 2024, also escorting the proceeds of the drug trafficking in October 2023 and March 2024.
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House lawmakers are deliberating sending a bill to Gov. Tate Reeves that would make it illegal for doctors to prescribe medication that could be used to induce abortion to patients in Mississippi.
Rep. Celeste Hurst, a Republican from Sandhill, said the intent of the legislation, which she introduced through an amendment to a drug trafficking bill, is to keep abortion medication, such as mifepristone and misoprostol, from entering Mississippi. The amendment would subject prescribers to no less than one year in prison.
“There’s no oversight on this drug right now,” Hurst told Mississippi Today Wednesday. “Anyone, male or female, could fill out a form and have that drug shipped to them. A human trafficker could put it in a woman’s hot cocoa.”
Under the legislation, however, Mississippi could prosecute doctors. Currently, Mississippi doctors can prescribe the medications for purposes other than abortion. The legislation won’t technically change that, but experts say it will make doctors scared to prescribe certain drugs for non-abortion purposes.
The legislation specifies that doctors will be prosecuted only if they prescribe drugs, whose uses include inducing an abortion, with the intention of inducing an abortion. But intent is hard to prove, said Mary Ziegler, an expert on abortion law and a professor at University of California at Davis’ School of Law. If passed, the law could have a chilling effect on health care providers, making them more hesitant to prescribe medication in clinical settings for conditions other than abortion.
Rep. Celeste Hurst, a Republican from Sandhill, comments during a meeting of the House Education Freedom Select Committee at the State Capitol on Sept. 25, 2025, in Jackson. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
“The possibility of a misunderstanding or a false accusation is going to be intimidating to a lot of physicians,” Ziegler said.
Mississippi already has a near total ban on abortions, but lawmakers have been unable to stop residents from ordering pills online from states where abortion is legal. Experts say this proposed legislation won’t stop them, either, but it might hurt Mississippians in life-threatening situations.
Mifepristone and misoprostol, the most common form of abortion medication, have been proven safe and effective in terminating pregnancy. But these medications are also used to induce labor, stop postpartum hemorrhaging, and for conditions such as miscarriages, or early pregnancy loss.
In reality, the proposed law “almost certainly” will have no impact on out-of-state providers, Ziegler said. Shield laws protect abortion providers, patients and helpers from out-of-state investigations, lawsuits and prosecutions in 22 states and Washington D.C.
“If governors in places like New York refuse to extradite their doctors, it’s not clear that Mississippi would be able to do anything about that,” Ziegler said.
Even before the Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs decision, which overturned the constitutional right to abortion, in-person abortions were very limited in Mississippi. Instead, women in the state have used mail-order abortion medication as an alternative. A 2020 study that examined more than 6,000 requests from U.S. residents for abortion pills from an online telemedicine service in 2017 and 2018 found that Mississippians requested the pills at a higher rate than people in any other state.
In 2024, Louisiana passed a similar law. Dana Sussman, senior vice president at Pregnancy Justice, a group that defends the rights of pregnant people, said the law has created fear among health care providers. She said Louisiana doctors have been practicing drills ensuring they have enough time to run between patient rooms and storerooms where the medications are now kept under lock and key.
Hurst told Mississippi Today she does not want to limit the use of drugs such as mifepristone and misoprostol in situations where they are medically necessary, including during a miscarriage.
“If a doctor gave that medication for an abortion, they would be doing a criminal act,” Hurst said. “But if they prescribed it for something that is not abortion-inducing, then there’s nothing in that law, or in current law, that would prohibit them from doing that.”
But Sussman said that lawmakers’ intent has very little bearing on how laws are enforced.
“If the law is broader than what her intent is, then it will have far-reaching consequences that she may not want to be responsible for,” Sussman said.
Senators accepted the House’s amendment on abortion medication and sent the bill back to the House, where lawmakers can advance it to the governor, or call for further negotiations with the Senate.
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On Monday, in meetings a hundred miles apart, Clinton and Clarksdale officials heard from residents about potential data centers coming to their respective towns.
Clinton has signed a fee-in-lieu of taxes agreement with a developer but the Clarksdale project is in very early talks.
Katherine Lin
While comments were mixed in both places, many Clarksdale residents see a data center as an economic boon for the city’s shrinking tax base and aging infrastructure.
“We’ve been praying for Clarksdale’s economic turnaround for a long time. And this is a godsend that can turn around Clarksdale,” said business owner Bob Wright during the meeting.
Unions in Mississippi:
Ingalls Shipbuilding union workers in Pascagoula secured the largest pay raise in the company’s history, with an immediate increase of at least 18%.
Ingalls is the largest manufacturing employer in the state, employing almost 11,000 workers in Mississippi.
About 4% of Mississippi workers are union members compared to 10% nationally.
Last week, Gov. Tate Reeves signed SB 2202 into law. The law requires businesses receiving state economic development grants to have certain union organizing requirements, including requiring secret ballots for union organizing votes.
Is child care a barrier to the state’s workforce development?
11% of respondents said they used current state child tax credits, but 19% were not aware of the tax credits.
“This research confirms that child care is no longer a marginal issue – it is a central workforce challenge with direct implications for business productivity, employee retention, and Mississippi’s long-term economic competitiveness,” the report concluded.
Business expansion and other news:
Southwark Metal Manufacturing Company announced a $29 million expansion in DeSoto county that will create 25 jobs. The company manufactures HVAC components and will build a new facility in Hernando.
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Lawmakers sent a bill to Gov. Tate Reeves for signature Wednesday to fund clinical trials related to the psychedelic drug ibogaine, action that could add $5 million of Mississippi’s opioid settlement money to study the drug.
The bill, which passed the House and Senate with bipartisan support, instructs the Mississippi State Department of Health to create a state partnership to research ibogaine’s ability to treat mental health disorders like addiction, depression and traumatic brain injuries. No state funding is attached to the bill, although legislators have said they expect to soon appropriate the opioid settlement funds for the effort.
Bryan Hubbard, the executive director of the nonprofit Americans for Ibogaine, has gone from state to state in recent years encouraging legislatures to pool funds for ibogaine clinical trials. Because the federal government isn’t funding studies testing the drug’s potential therapeutic effects, he has been pushing for states — including Mississippi — to support research.
He has close ties to former Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron, who a 2023 Daily Beast investigation found had received over $1 million in campaign funding from a super PAC backed by an ibogaine industry investor. Almost all of the PAC’s 2023 fundraising came from a billionaire who stood to benefit from ibogaine’s development as a commercial medication, according to the newsroom.
Cameron appointed Hubbard to lead much of Kentucky’s opioid settlement distribution process, a role in which Hubbard tried to direct $42 million of the state’s lawsuit money for ibogaine research. He has publicly said he personally would not financially benefit from ibogaine’s development as a medication.
Hubbard frequently cites a 2024 Stanford study that some veterans’ negative symptoms related to traumatic brain injuries and other mental disorders decreased a month after ibogaine treatment, and taking the drug with magnesium mitigated additional cardiac risks. The paper didn’t compare people who received the treatment to those who didn’t, which is essential for determining whether new medications are effective.
Existing drugs approved for opioid use disorder, the deadliest addiction, are effective at treating the condition. Hubbard has criticized these existing medications in the past as unviable solutions for addressing an addiction epidemic that’s killed over a million Americans since 1999.
While some who’ve traveled out of the country to be treated with ibogaine say it’s helped treat their opioid addictions, an academic review of studies that looked at ibogaine’s addiction treatment potential said most had “high risk of bias.”
As part of his lobbying efforts, Hubbard helped host a meeting in Aspen, Colorado, with state legislators across the country last spring. Its goal, according to the summit’s website, was to encourage states to research the drug and its impact on addiction.
Among those who attended the Aspen summit were Mississippi’s House Public Health and Human Services Committee Chair Sam Creekmore and Department of Mental Health Medical Director Dr. Tom Recore. In the following months, Creekmore started writing editorials encouraging the Legislature to join lawmakers in states such as Texas and Arizona that are using state funds for ibogaine trials.
In August, Creekmore hosted Hubbard and other ibogaine advocates at the Mississippi Capitol, where many spoke about how the drug had personally helped them overcome mental disorders. At that event, Creekmore said he would not financially benefit from ibogaine’s development as an approved medication.
The event was the first time Creekmore publicly said he wanted the Legislature to appropriate $5 million for this effort from the state’s nonabatement opioid settlement fund, money he and other lawmakers allow to be used on nonaddiction purposes. He told Mississippi Today that was still the plan Tuesday after the bill’s final House passage.
Opioid settlement funds the Legislature controls are expected to be appropriated through the attorney general budget bill.
Correction, 3/19/2026: This headline and article were corrected to reflect that legislators sent a bill for Gov. Tate Reeves signature. At the time of publication, Reeves had not yet signed the bill into law.
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In February, Kenychi Badue of Laurel found out she was pregnant. At 22, she had no health insurance and could not afford to pay out of pocket for doctor’s visits as she awaits the birth of her first child. But thanks to a new Mississippi law, Badue didn’t have to forgo prenatal care.
Kenychi Badue, 22, of Laurel, is one of about 300 low-income pregnant Mississippians who have received prenatal care earlier than they likely would have without the policy, called Presumptive Eligibility for Pregnant Women. Photo courtesy of Kenychi Badue
Badue is one of about 300 low-income pregnant Mississippians who received prenatal care earlier than they would have without the policy, called Presumptive Eligibility for Pregnant Women, which lawmakers passed last year, according to the Mississippi Division of Medicaid.
The law went into effect in July of last year and allows pregnant women to be presumed eligible for Medicaid while their applications are pending. The change brings Mississippi in line with 29 other states.
The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists credits this form of Medicaid coverage with improved maternal health outcomes, especially in states that have not expanded Medicaid such as Mississippi. The state’s strict eligibility requirements exclude many poor people from health care. Women in states that have expanded Medicaid are more than twice as likely to be enrolled in Medicaid before pregnancy, compared to those in non-expansion states, according to a report by KFF, a national, nonprofit health policy research and polling organization.
“It makes me feel safer about my pregnancy,” Badue said about the routine check-ups she now receives at Family Health Center in Laurel as a result of the policy.
Who qualifies for presumptive eligibility under Medicaid?
Eligible women must be pregnant and have a household income up to 194% of the federal poverty level, or about $31,000 annually for an individual. They do not need to show proof of income to receive care at a participating provider. The temporary coverage lasts until Medicaid approves the patient’s official application, however long that takes. But the patient must submit a Medicaid application before the end of her second month of presumptive eligibility coverage. Once enrolled in Medicaid, a pregnant patient is guaranteed coverage through 12 months postpartum, according to state law.
Many low-income women are ineligible for Medicaid in Mississippi until they become pregnant. That’s because Mississippi Medicaid doesn’t insure childless adults and has much stricter income requirements for caretakers who aren’t pregnant. Since officials can take months to process and approve a Medicaid application, eligible pregnant women sometimes end up missing prenatal care in their first and second trimester.
Presumptive eligibility is designed to remove red tape that stands in the way of care, explained Usha Ranji, the associate director of women’s policy at KFF.
“Medicaid eligibility has a good amount of paperwork, and that can take time,” Ranji said. “Presumptive eligibility allows somebody to get access to care while that verification of income and paperwork documentation is happening.”
In August, state officials declared a public health emergency over Mississippi’s rising infant mortality rate. A recent report from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention also shows that Mississippi is one of 36 states that showed a significant increase in late or no prenatal care between 2021 and 2024. That lack of care can lead to more complicated interventions and costlier medical bills once an issue is identified. It also can hold life-threatening consequences.
Health care providers told Mississippi Today presumptive eligibility, which costs the state a total of about $567,000 a year across all patients to administer, is a minimal investment that will cut down on the number of premature infants who end up in intensive care units. Prenatal care has been shown to mitigate preterm birth, in which Mississippi leads the nation.
Staying in the neonatal intensive care unit can lead to traumatic experiences for infants and parents, but it also costs the state millions, said Dr. Susan Buttross, former chief of the Division of Child Development and Behavioral Pediatrics at the University of Mississippi Medical Center.
“Mississippi would save so much money if we would intervene early,” Buttross said. “I have no doubt that this will ultimately help Mississippians.”
While 300 Mississippians is “a good start,” Buttross said it is not enough. Early prenatal care can help diagnose and manage complications that are pervasive in Mississippi, such as diabetes and high blood pressure, she said, as well as infections that lead to preterm birth.
“If every clinic would take a few patients who have this presumptive eligibility, it would make a huge difference in our state,” said Buttross.
The majority of women using presumptive eligibility are receiving care at county health departments, according to the Division of Medicaid. Thirteen other clinics and federally qualified health centers are signed up to participate, but only five of them have served women under the new program.
Room to grow
At Family Health Center in Laurel, Badue receives her prenatal care. Staff at the facility are serving about 12% of the women who are using this policy statewide, according to the Division of Medicaid. Nurse Mia Walker supervises the clinic’s obstetrics unit and said she is surprised to hear that.
“It’s exciting to know that out of 300 registered women in the state of Mississippi, Family Health OB-GYN clinic has 35 and is leading the pack,” Walker said.
Walker said that her clinic serves women who are on the Medicaid family planning waiver, which allows women to access Medicaid for family planning purposes such as birth control – even if they don’t qualify for general Medicaid coverage. Walker said she informs those women of presumptive eligibility, so they can come back to receive prenatal care if they become pregnant.
But many Mississippians are not aware they are eligible for Medicaid once pregnant and without filling out a Medicaid application. And women who don’t think they have Medicaid coverage stay home from the doctor, said Khaylah Scott, program manager for the Mississippi Health Advocacy Program, a consumer advocacy organization aimed at improving access to health care in the state. In order to reach those Mississippians, clinics will need the help of statewide agencies, she said.
“If there’s anything that the Division of Medicaid can do to really ramp up communications around this program, they should definitely consider it,” said Scott.
To spread awareness, Scott recommended that state and local public health officials place flyers in public spaces with information about the program and advertise on billboards and across social media.
In the meantime, clinics interested in participating in the program can follow instructions online to submit a provider application.
There is no risk for clinics if they offer Medicaid coverage through presumptive eligibility, said Tricia Brooks, a Medicaid expert and research professor at the Center for Children and Families at Georgetown University. Regardless of whether the patient is approved for Medicaid, providers are reimbursed by Medicaid for the services they offer pregnant women under presumptive eligibility.
“Even if the individual doesn’t file an application, or if they file an application and are determined ineligible, the payment for the service is still federally matched and the provider gets paid,” Brooks said. “There is no kind of penalty.”
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Attorneys defending Ted “Teddy” DiBiase Jr., the only person to face trial in a welfare fraud scandal that has rocked Mississippi over the last six years, kept their case succinct.
They began Tuesday and rested Wednesday afternoon, the 18th day of trial, after calling just four witnesses. DiBiase opted not to take the stand. On Thursday, the judge will deliver the jury’s instructions, both sides will present closing arguments and jurors will begin deliberating.
DiBiase, an ex-WWE wrestler turned influencer, is on trial on federal charges of conspiracy, wire fraud, theft and money laundering. From 2017 to 2019, he accepted $3 million in federal funds earmarked to fight poverty after striking up a close friendship with John Davis, who was then the director of the Mississippi Department of Human Services. Davis had privatized a portion of the agency by pushing tens of millions in grants to two private nonprofits that used the money to pay DiBiase and other athletes.
The defense argued that DiBiase never solicited the money from Davis, but rather that Davis offered it freely. The lawyers sought to show DiBiase did carry out work under his agreements with the nonprofits – no matter how meager the agreed upon deliverables – and that any shortfalls were the result of interference from Davis and unresponsiveness from the nonprofit directors.
According to testimony, two of the defense’s witnesses were in that same boat. Nicholas Coughlin, a business consultant, and Jesse Pierce, a client success manager, were both introduced to opportunities in the welfare arena by DiBiase’s brother, Brett DiBiase.
Both said they signed on to work for the nonprofits believing their skills – Coughlin’s relationships with industry leaders and Pierce’s passion for fitness and nutrition – would help the nonprofits in their mission to help families reach self-sufficiency. But both testified that the nonprofit directors were hard to reach, impeding them from seeing their vision actualized, despite the fact that they still got paid.
The defense also called businessman Kevin McClendon, who was working with DiBiase to pitch an idea for a phone app to the welfare agency, and New Orleans-based consultant Matthew Theriot, who helped DiBiase form one of his LLCs.
The prosecution, on the other hand, spent many days over the last several weeks questioning nearly 20 witnesses – including Davis, former DHS employees, nonprofit directors Nancy New and Christi Webb and their former employees, bank executives, federal officials, an assistant attorney general and a forensic auditor with the FBI.
DiBiase’s role with the welfare agency was that of a celebrity promoter. He’d amassed a large following on social media during his time with the WWE. This was the same reason he and Coughlin began working together prior to their welfare dealings. “It quite literally opened any door we needed to get into,” Coughlin said.
But Coughlin also said during questioning by the defense that he wouldn’t have let DiBiase handle the more sophisticated matters of their businesses, such as submitting incorporating paperwork.
Later, the prosecution tried to rebut this testimony with a text message in which DiBiase told Davis he’d only pretended not to know how to form an LLC or make powerpoints and that he pitied Coughlin.
U.S. District Judge Carlton Reeves allowed the prosecution to read the long, frenzied text to jurors – the last piece of evidence they heard before the parties rested – to the dismay of defense attorney Scott Gilbert, who said the tactic was a blatant violation of DiBiase’s rights.
The prosecution asked for three hours for closing arguments, which amused Gilbert, who indicated the defense wouldn’t need nearly that long. The trial began in January and experienced several delays, with the jury preserved throughout. Despite the trial lasting longer than expected, jurors heard from just a fraction of the roughly 80 potential witnesses named at the outset. State Auditor Shad White, whose office investigated the case, and former Gov. Phil Bryant, Davis’ boss, never appeared on the stand.
Audio recording is automated for accessibility. Humans wrote and edited the story.
A federal judge dismissed a former University of Mississippi employee’s lawsuit against Chancellor Glenn Boyce, which claims he violated her First Amendment rights by firing her for comments she shared on social media after the assassination of Charlie Kirk, criticizing the politically far right activist’s stances on issues including gun rights and women’s rights.
U.S. District Judge Glen Davidson ruled Monday in favor of a motion Boyce had filed to dismiss the lawsuit. Davidson determined that Lauren Stokes, a former executive assistant in the university’s development office, failed to prove that the chancellor violated her constitutional rights. Davidson also ruled that Boyce, in his role as chancellor, is entitled to qualified immunity.
Stokes sued seeking damages, legal fees, and a declaration that Boyce violated her First Amendment rights.
Kirk was shot and killed on Sept. 10. In a statement issued the next day on behalf of the university, Boyce did not name Stokes, but described the comments she shared as “hurtful” and “insensitive,” and that they “run completely counter” to the university’s values of “civility, fairness, and respecting the dignity of each person.”
Davidson wrote in his ruling that Stokes, the plaintiff, “cannot rebut the Defendant’s qualified immunity defense because she cannot show her interest in her social media post outweighed the Defendant’s interest in the University’s efficient operation.”
The Turning Point Tour stop at the University of Mississippi is the only joint appearance of Vice President JD Vance and Erika Kirk, the widow of conservative activist Charlie Kirk. Credit: Richard Lake / Mississippi Today
United Campus Workers, which represents higher education employees in Mississippi, raised concerns about Davidson’s ruling and its implications for free speech within the context of ”modern online discourse.”
In a statement, the union said Davidson also did not adequately consider the merits of Stokes’ claim that Boyce engaged in viewpoint discrimination when, after firing her, he attended a political rally honoring Kirk, the statement read. The “ruling will enable the mob to trump an individual’s right to hold and express contrary political opinions.”
An Ole Miss spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Alysson Mills, Stokes’ attorney, said they plan to appeal the ruling.
“This is not the law as we understand it,” Mills said Wednesday. “This is the heckler’s veto. We intend to appeal to defend the rights of employees at the University of Mississippi.”
