In this episode of Mississippi Stories, Mississippi Today Editor-at-Large Marshall Ramsey sits down with author, reporter and playwright Ellis Nassour. Nassour, a native of Vicksburg has lived a colorful life covering celebrities and the entertainment scene.
Author of the book “Honky Tonk Angel: The Intimate Story of Patsy Cline,” he talks about writing that book, which has been in print for over 40 years now. Nassour discusses Cline’s colorful but short life and the people he interviewed to write it. He also covers his involvement in “Jesus Christ Superstar” and how he observed first-hand the attack on the World Trade Center on 9/11. Nassour dreamed he would write for the “New York Times” and be involved in the entertainment business, both of which he has accomplished. His is an interesting story about making lucky breaks and how hard work can help you live an interesting life.
A clarion call by Gov. Tate Reeves, Speaker Philip Gunn and many other Republicans is that Mississippi should emulate Tennessee and eliminate the income tax.
But for at least a brief time, the Tennessee Legislature, exalted in the past by Reeves and Gunn for its position on taxes, has enacted tax policy that often has been opposed by many Mississippi Republicans.
For the entire month August, Tennessee lawmakers eliminated the state’s 4% tax on groceries. Various groups in Mississippi have advocated unsuccessfully for permanently cutting or eliminating the state’s 7% tax on food, which is the highest statewide tax of its kind in the poorest state in the nation.
Mississippi has its own version a sales tax holiday. Mississippians recently got to experience the so-called 2nd Amendment sales tax holiday enacted in 2014 by the Legislature, where the normally 7% levy on guns and other hunting items is lifted for a weekend.
Just to be clear, the Tennessee Legislature eliminated the sales tax on food for a month while the Mississippi Legislature lifted the tax on guns for a weekend.
There has been no holiday or respite in Mississippi from the 7% tax on groceries.
Mississippi does provide on a weekend in July a sales tax holiday on back-to-school items, including clothing and supplies. The sales tax holiday on back-to-school items was an effort, supporters said when it passed in 2009, to provide financial relief to low-wage earners.
But multiple studies by both liberal and conservative groups have called the so-called sales tax holidays bad tax policy. The conservative Tax Foundation found that sales tax holidays “do not promote economic growth or significantly increase consumer purchases.” And various studies have found the holidays do not help the poor because they generally do not have the financial wherewithal to make larger purchases to take advantage of the time-restricted tax break. They are forced to spread out their purchases over an extended period because of their limited income.
“Low-income consumers may be less able to shift their purchases to coincide with the holiday, and some, such as the elderly, might have needs other than the goods offered. Overall, opponents say, sales tax holidays simply shift the timing of consumer purchases,” according to a report by the National Conference of State Legislatures.
Tennessee’s month-long sales tax holiday on food purchases is a bit different than the average sales tax holiday because of its unusual length and because it provides tax relief on items that everyone must have. Everybody has to have food.
The exemption of the 4% tax on groceries was the Tennessee Legislature’s effort to provide widespread relief in 2022 to offset high inflation. Many states are taking a portion of what is in many cases unprecedented surpluses to provide some sort of rebate (usually direct cash payments) to residents below a certain income level to offset the high inflation. States as diverse as California, Indiana and New Mexico are among the about 20 states providing rebates.
Tennessee opted to do it by enacting the sales tax holiday on food for a month instead of providing the cash rebate.
The Mississippi Legislature, despite a record surplus and unprecedented tax collections, opted not to provide any rebates or short-term tax relief during calendar year 2022. The Legislature did enact a record $500 million tax cut, but it does not begin until January and will be phased in over multiple years. For many Mississippians, they will not receive the benefit of the tax cut until they file their 2022 state income taxes in 2023.
Multi-year efforts to reduce or eliminate the sales tax on food in Mississippi have been unsuccessful. Multiple studies have found that lower income people in Mississippi pay a larger percentage of their income on taxes than do higher wage earners because of the state’s high sales tax, particularly the tax on food. Poor people have to spend a higher percentage of their income to buy a gallon of milk or a loaf of bread than do the wealthy.
A 2021 study by One Voice and the Institute of Taxation and Economic Policy found that the bottom 80% of Mississippians — earning less than $77,500 annually — pay a greater percentage of their income in state and local taxes than do those in the top 20%.
Mississippi had a low income tax rate even before the Legislature during the 2022 session opted to further cut the income tax. On the other hand, Mississippi has one of the highest statewide sales tax rates in the nation and the highest rate on food.
In addition to the sales tax holiday on food, Tennessee also currently has a year-long sales tax holiday on the purchases of gun safes and other gun safety items. Mississippi’s 2nd Amendment sales tax holiday does not cover such safety items.
Jean Carson warmly welcomes customers who stop by the Afrikan Art Gallery at 800 North Farish St., a few blocks north of downtown Jackson, through a haze of scented, burning incense, making sure to mention the gallery’s goods are authentic and handmade.
Many items, such as the clothing, are from Ghana, and the wood carvings are from Kenya. The gallery has backpacks for every age in colorful hues and intricate patterns, such as the popular Kente cloth, and “mud cloth,” a Malian cotton cloth dyed using fermented mud. The colors are striking and bold — “a feast for the eyes and a smile for your soul,” said Carson, the manager here.
Before this location, the Afrikan Art Gallery was located near the intersection at Bailey Avenue and Fortification Street. Owner Nyika Ajanaku once operated five businesses in the metro area. Currently, the one store is located in the Jessie Williams Building, a space that’s not only an art gallery, but also a meeting place for book signings, educational seminars and after-school activities for children.
Ajanaku has imported a variety of artwork, clothing, jewelry, musical instruments and wood carvings from Africa. From dashikis to kaftans and sundresses, he has filled his store with everything a customer needs to complete an ensemble and decorate a dwelling.
“I just love it here,” said long-time customer Ada Miller Robinson. “I’ve been coming and buying here for years,” she says, shortly before darting off to help Clemontine Whitaker, a fellow-customer and friend. Both ladies admire a sun dress Robinson models for Whitaker, while Carson tends to a family browsing the jewelry cases.
Ajanaku has been a mainstay in the area for 49 years. His advertising for the gallery reads: “Where the Afrikan image is everything!”
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
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In the latest Data Dive, we take a look at the risks facing the United States as climate change worsens and which states could see the most danger. SafeHome.org gathered climate data from research group Climate Central to develop the Climate Change Risk Index, which weighs five central effects of climate change — extreme heat, drought, wildfires, coastal flooding and inland flooding — by their likelihood of worsening by state. Higher numbers represent higher risks.
View the data:
Southern states as a region are currently facing the highest likelihood of increasing side-effects of climate change, with Mississippi being one of the top five most at-risk. The average Risk Index of each region of the country is:
Northeast — 123
Midwest — 147
West — 166
South — 229
These numbers represent the average Climate Change Risk Index of the states in a region, meaning, for example, that a Southern state typically has a score of around 229, higher than the national average of 174.
According to SafeHome.org's data, Mississippi has the highest percentage of its population vulnerable to extreme heat at 4%, and the state could see an increase of dangerously hot days as high as 111 days of the year. And between 2000-2050, Mississippi could also see a 140% increase in summer droughts and a 21-day increase in the number of days with high wildfire potential. Fifty-seven percent of the state's population is at an elevated risk of wildfire.
Jackson's water crisis recently culminated in a city-wide system failure that left thousands with little to no running water, exacerbating an already-present boil water notice that is still currently in effect. After a week of what the Federal Emergency Management Agency officially declared a disaster on August 30, water was eventually restored to all Jackson residents.
Mississippi is also at risk of elevated coastal flooding, with 2.5% of the population affected. Although one of the ten highest percentages, other Southern states like Florida and Louisiana have at-risk population percentages of 16.7% and 20.4%, respectively.
For the second timethis year, Hinds County officials have asked a federal judge to lessen or end court oversight of the county jail and had their request rejected.
U.S. District Court Judge Carlton Reeves denied the county’s motion to stay its new injunction order – a scaled back version of the consent decree the county had since 2016, according to documents filed in the Southern District of Mississippi.
He said violence and constitutional violations are “current and ongoing” at the jail. Reeves also mentioned a recent court monitor report that suggests the county doesn’t intend to comply with the injunction order or the previous consent decree.
“As the United States aptly put it, the court is being ‘gas-lighted,’” Reeves wrote in a Sept. 2 order. “No more.”
Continuing remedial efforts will lead to more confrontations, delays and serious harm to people detained at the jail, he said.
Reeves put the injunction in place in April in response to the county’s request to modify the consent decree in January and after weeks of hearings in February and March. During the hearings, the county’s attorneys argued the consent decree asked too much and hindered progress.
But months later, the same attorneys have argued the new injunction “micromanages the day-to-day operations of (the jail), and is cost prohibitive,” according to court documents.
The county filed a request to stay the injunction in July pending an appeal to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.
Reeves said under the new injunction, the county has greater control of the jail than it did with the previous order. But the county still needs to correct constitutional violations and meet minimum standards, he said.
In July, Reeves determined federal receivership was the only way to bring the Hinds County jail into compliance and address a number of issues.
The county pushed back against receivership during the hearings earlier in the year and in recent court filings.
Reeves is set to appoint a receiver by Nov. 1 and choose from three candidates proposed by the U.S. Department of Justice.
The county and DOJ have each outlined what kind of duties and responsibilities the receiver should have, but they have yet to find a balance between setting limits and giving the receiver room to do their job, according to court documents.
“The county has shown a clear lack of urgency and competency since this action was initiated over six years ago, and there is no indication that if left to its own devices, the situation will change any time soon,” Reeves wrote in his Sept. 2 order denying a stay of the injunction.
“Detainees, who once again are persons presumed to be innocent, will continue to suffer substantial harm unless the county is held accountable,” he wrote.
In order to keep his new cafe open, Ezra Brown hauls at least 100 pounds of ice into his boutique tea and coffee spot every day.
When Brown – the owner of Fondren’s Soulé – hosts special events, his weekly ice total easily hits 1,000 pounds.
The Iron Horse Grill’s general manager Andy Nesenson estimates the restaurant is spending up to $2,500 a week on bottled water, canned soda, ice and other water-crisis related expenses.
The Bean, a coffee house and restaurant, invested in specialized coffee filters and bypasses the city waterline altogether.
“People have been beat to death with national headlines of dirty water,” said The Bean’s owner Kristy Buchanan. “But we businesses do not have dirty water.”
Operators across Jackson say they’re working tirelessly to provide clean water and safe food and drinks to customers during the city’s ongoing water system failures. While their costs to stay open have racked up during the ongoing crisis, the number of customers has plummeted.
“The city and the government are saying to take a shower with your mouth closed,” Nesenson said. “A lot of people are not going to want to go out to eat because they have a negative feeling like it’s not safe.”
Paper plates and plastic cups have become commonplace in Jackson restaurants because they can be disposed of, rather than cleaned in water that will take extra time to boil. No more fountain drinks, but there is plenty of canned soda. Want a margarita? It will be made with water and ice all secured from outside the city.
For the last two decades, Jackson businesses have dealt with boil water notices and insecurity from the troubled and aging water system. They have become pros at workarounds and water tanks. But as the crisis reached new heights last week, so have their economic concerns.
Water pressure was restored city-wide Monday, but businesses say customers have yet to steadily return downtown. After splurging on clean water and ice for weeks, eateries are eager to make up costs.
Ahead of the recent holiday weekend, Nesenson said Iron Horse had one of its slowest lunch hours he’s seen in the last decade: fewer than 100 patrons over five hours. It hasn’t gotten better.
“In our industry, that’s awful,” he said. “Downtown Jackson feels desolate.”
Six weeks into the boil-water notice, some fear the businesses who have been dealing with Jackson’s water problems for years will finally give up.
“It’s a matter of time before some things start closing down or moving across city lines,” said Tamika E. Jenkins, the executive director of the Hinds County Development Authority.
Martin Clapton, the owner of Barrelhouse, has counted 55 days his business has been with zero water from his own plumbing in the last five years. When he loses water pressure, that means no toilets. The costs of portable toilets are too much. He did that in the winter during a 16-day water outage. It wasn’t cost effective.
He was closed for three days last week, and opened when water pressure was restored. He closed two more days this week because business was so slow. Now he’s considering closing his doors permanently.
“The losses restaurants have incurred since COVID, it’s very hard economically to stay open,” Clapton said. “Normally we do $30,000 in sales a week. To do only $4,000 or $5,000 while all those bills are still rolling in? It’s tough.”
Operators mostly agree people either largely don’t know Jackson is open for business or are skeptical about businesses’ water use. Some also say the extra costs of bottled water and child care while schools were closed has probably left some families without extra spending money.
Brown, a musician-turned-entrepreneur, opened his sleek new cafe in August, amid the latest boil-water notice. Inspectors said he was clear to open as long as he got all his ice from outside the city of Jackson.
That’s a tall order for a shop that serves more than half of its beverages cold. But Brown has persevered. He’s made it work.
“But we shouldn’t have to make it work,” he said. “We don’t get paid to do that. It’s not my job. It’s my job to want to spend money in the city of Jackson, Mississippi, the right way, and already have clean water.”
His shop serves specialty tea and coffee with fancy swirls and colorful boba balls. He has bright furniture and modern decor. In just a month-and-a-half, he has hosted sold-out events with famed chef Carla Hall and Mississippi drummer Maya Kyles.
Brown is from South Carolina originally but studied at Jackson State University. He was familiar with the city’s water woes ahead of opening his shop but did not expect the burden to be of this magnitude.
No new business owner expects a city’s infrastructure to fail so horribly that they need to have a bucket of water next to the toilet so customers can flush.
“We’ve gotten letters and emails from all over the world,” Brown said. “Things like ‘thank you for letting me know’ to ‘is Jackson a third-world country?’ … We want to change that. I’m here, I’m committed and I’m not going anywhere.”
He says he wants Jackson to be the capital city Mississippi deserves.
Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann announced he’d be visiting five Jackson restaurants on Friday evening in hopes it would encourage others to the do the same. His tour will start at Johnny T’s on Farish Street in downtown Jackson and end at Sal & Mookie’s in the District at Eastover.
Visit Jackson, the city’s tourism bureau, recently announced a grant program that will provide $500 to $2,000 grants to reimburse businesses for some of their water expenses.
Businesses appreciate the gesture, but say the grants cover a small portion of the expenses they’ve had to front to keep their doors open.
Pat Fontaine, the executive director at Mississippi Hospitality and Restaurant Association, said some restaurants have reported $500 to $700 in extra costs per day related to the water crisis.
“They are also still dealing with increased labor costs and inflation’s pressure on their food costs,” Fontaine said. “This has all been diminishing their profit margins.”
Nesenson, at Iron Horse, says his employees are struggling because fewer customers means fewer tips.
Clapton worries some of the best parts of living in Jackson could disappear. He’s hoping the U.S. Small Business Administration will offer loans to businesses affected by the crisis – a lifeline he knows many could use right now.
“It could really knock out some of the mom-and-pops,” he said, referring to the water crisis. “The right steps are being made, but it’s a little too late for some of us.”
Terun Moore was looking forward to finally taking a break.
The co-director of Strong Arms of JXN, a nonprofit that aims to prevent violence, was sore from spending all week unloading what felt like endless cases of water when he learned on Friday, Sept. 2, that Mitch Landrieu, the White House Infrastructure Coordinator, was coming to town for a press conference.
The event was billed as a “volunteer acknowledgement,” but once Moore and a few others arrived, they realized Landrieu was passing out water, and they were expected to help.
“We ended up unloading the damn truck and passing out water there too,” he said.
Moore was still annoyed at the experience as he passed out even more water later that day in the Sykes Park Community Center parking lot.
Strong Arms, part of a group called the Rapid Response Coalition that is working with the city to distribute water, staffed this site every day last week. The work of lifting, carrying and setting down 29 pound cases of water rarely ceased. Though Sykes Park is in a residential area of South Jackson, removed from thru-traffic, the line of cars has stayed steady; many homes here, miles away from the water plants, lost pressure entirely.
On Friday, the pride that Moore and the other volunteers took in helping their community was giving way to exhaustion and frustration with cars that held up the water line and with the many reporters, Mississippi Today included, who showed up asking for pictures and quotes.
As kids unloaded cases of water from an 18-wheeler, a sunburnt reporter from a national outlet moved to the front of the line to talk to a family in a black car, holding them up from leaving.
“I know y’all be doing a job, but hey!” Moore shouted.
“It’s a different group every day,” John Jarvis, a mentor with Strong Arms, said.
Their frustration is connected to a widely shared sentiment that the city and its majority Black population are ignored until there’s a crisis. When powerful state and federal officials do intervene, many Jacksonians, who have been looking out for each other this whole time, feel disempowered and blamed.
“Oftentimes, I think Mississippi feels forgotten and the people in Jackson feel like they are left behind,” said Brooke Floyd, a coordinator for the Jackson People’s Assembly.
This feeling is also replicated between the more economically deprived and predominantly Black neighborhoodsand the whiter areas with manicured lawns and private security services.
“When Belhaven starts getting robbed, it becomes a front-page news story because that’s an anomaly that isn’t supposed to happen,” said Kadin Love, an organizer with Black Youth Project 100, as he was passing out water at another distribution site.
The resources that do get provided from the state level also sometimes fail to fully serve Jacksonians, leaving local groups like Strong Arms and the Rapid Response Coalition to scrape together to fill in the gaps.
Last week, the Rapid Response Coalition had more water distribution sites in west and South Jackson than the state. But since the coalition was relying entirely on volunteer manpower, the sites weren’t staffed as many hours of the day – leaving volunteers like Moore to cover multiple shifts.
After a fresh wave of cars passed, Moore sat on a cooler of Gatorade under a blue tent. The kids sat on the end of the 18-wheeler, kicking their legs in the air. They opened bags of Doritos, Funyuns and Hot Cheetos.
One driver, noticing how worn out Moore and the volunteers were, parked his car to the front of the line and hopped out, intending to help but not realizing he was blocking other cars from approaching.
“We’re trying to move the line, bro,” Moore said exasperatedly.
“Y’all need some help – I know y’all are tired,” the man replied. “I don’t mind helping.”
The national reporter asked John Knight, another volunteer at the site, about his work with Strong Arms; he said he wanted to do something for the community when he got out of prison. She asked why he had been in prison; Knight replied it was because he had a drug charge.
Once she walked away to interview another family, Moore scoffed and shook his head.
“Man, y’all just coming to get a story – we living this shit,” he said.
Moore thought it was ironic that journalists from across the country – who likely had never gone without water – now wanted to know what it was like. He recalled a situation earlier that week where a news crew asked if he and his peers would still be unloading water at prime time, something he found offensive.
“Like man, nobody give a f— about your story – these folks trying to get water,” he said. “If you ain’t living in this shit, you ain’t gonna understand it. You know what I’m saying? You on the outside looking in. If you ain’t never went without it, then you don’t know how it affects you.”
As the sun set and Moore got ready to close the site, he passed out $20 bills to the kids who had been helping. Jarvis started sliding water cases downthe length of the 18-wheeler, rather than carrying them.
There was one positive element to the media attention, Moore and Jarvis agreed. Some of the kids who helped out that week were photographed by the New York Times. A national paper publishing the kids’ names would help them feel like they were repping South Jackson, Jarvis said, generating a sense of responsibility to the community that aligns with Strong Arms’ mission to interrupt the cycle of violence.
The kids were supposed to help pick up empty water bottles but instead started playing with a football, casting long, loping shadows over the blue tent. Moore and Jarvis were thoroughly exhausted. Knight sprawled on the ground where the stack of water had been, using his hat to block the sun.
A woman rode up in a golf cart.
“Y’all out of water?” she asked.
Moore, Jarvis and Knight didn’t move. They staredreluctantly at the pallets of water at the back of the truck, several feet away.
The little kids, football abandoned, jumped up inside the truck.
Last week, NFL legend Brett Favre made headlines again when his attorney confirmed to NBC News that the FBI had questioned the former quarterback.
Favre was the inspiration behind $8 million worth of purchases in an ongoing welfare scandal that the FBI began investigating in 2020. But the athlete’s exchange with federal agents, which took place more than two years ago, was apparently so innocuous that Favre laughed about it later.
“Brett laughingly told me that FBI asked if he’d ever been to Tupelo,” said Favre’s attorney Bud Holmes.
A nonprofit funded by welfare grants had paid Favre’s company Favre Enterprises $1.1 million for a vague promotional gig. Favre has since returned the funds to the state. Ongoing civil charges against Favre allege that the athlete was paid under an agreement to deliver speeches he never gave, an agreement attorneys say Favre was unaware existed.
Now, Favre’s attorneys are questioning whether the athlete can be held liable for failing to attend events he knew nothing about – such as an assembly in Tupelo, the singular interest of the FBI, according to Holmes.
Mississippi Today spoke with Holmes, a Hattiesburg lawyer who has represented pro athletes in Mississippi for decades, on Sept. 2, the day after the NBC story.
Holmes said that the FBI briefly questioned Favre more than two years ago — before the breadth of Favre’s alleged involvement in the massive welfare scandal was publicly uncovered by Mississippi Today earlier this year — and that Favre hasn’t talked to agents since.
As far as Holmes is aware, the authorities asked Favre one question.
“The agents asked him, ‘Have you ever been to Tupelo,’” Holmes said. “And Brett says, ‘When I was nine years old with my daddy. Why? What’s that about?’ They says, ‘You’ve never been to Tupelo?’ Course come to find out later, they say he had a no-show. Hell, if he did no-show in Tupelo, it would have been headlines.”
The nonprofit at the center of the welfare scandal, Mississippi Community Education Center, hired Favre’s company Favre Enterprises in 2017 and 2018 purportedly to promote Families First for Mississippi, a program that was supposed to help needy families but instead facilitated the misspending of tens of millions of federal welfare funds.
National headlines have focused on how Favre allegedly received $1.1 million in exchange for delivering speeches at events he never attended – but Favre disputes that he ever agreed to attend any events.
“How in the world are you going to hold me liable for something where nobody told me to where to be,” Holmes said. “Favre had absolutely no knowledge of it … It was up to them to designate when and where.”
The contract that State Auditor Shad White has used to make this allegation has never been made public until now, and the appearance of the document raises questions about the veracity of the agreement.
The three-paragraph scope of services in the alleged contract describes the services Favre was apparently supposed to perform: Speak at three events, cut one radio spot, and deliver one keynote address. The auditor’s office discussed these items in its report released in 2020.
According to the agreement, one example of an event Favre may have been expected to attend was Gov. Phil Bryant’s “Healthy Teens” rallies – one of which took place in Tupelo in 2018.
“Governor Phil Bryant spearheaded an initiative called ‘Healthy Teens for A Better Mississippi’ and Families First is expanding that program through rallies, to motivate teenagers to set goals and make responsible choices in areas impacting their health and future,” reads an WCBI article about the Tupelo rally.
Favre did not attend.
Nancy New, the nonprofit founder who has since pleaded guilty to bribery and fraud, recently alleged that Bryant was the one who directed her to pay Favre.
Around the time of the payments to Favre Enterprises, Favre was also working with New and Bryant’s appointed welfare director John Davis to find a way to use welfare money to build a new volleyball stadium at his alma mater, University of Southern Mississippi. Officials had to carefully craft a lease agreement between the nonprofit and the university’s athletic foundation, since there is a federal prohibition on using welfare grants for brick and mortar. For the project to cohere to the welfare program, the lease agreement said Families First would use the facility for programming, though that never occurred.
“She has strong connections and gave me 5 million for Vball facility via grant money,” Favre once wrote to a business associate, referring to Nancy New.
Holmes said according to Favre, the athlete met with the FBI when agents from the auditor’s office were interviewing Favre and asked if the FBI could join.
Holmes said he wasn’t aware of the FBI asking his client any other questions – such as about Favre’s role in facilitating the transfer of $5 million to build the volleyball stadium or $2 million to a pharmaceutical startup, two scenarios uncovered in Mississippi Today’s investigative series “The Backchannel.”
“That’s the only contact that I know of that he had with the FBI,” Holmes continued. “And that’s been what, two or three years ago, back toward the beginning … I just assumed they were starting the preliminary investigation on the many, many things people pled guilty to. Brett’s name happened to be in there.”
Holmes reiterated that he has not seen any evidence that Favre did anything wrong regarding welfare funds. The attorney said Favre was paid for services he performed – namely a commercial spot he recorded for the welfare program.
A 2018 invoice New’s nonprofit received from SuperTalk radio shows Favre’s Families First commercial ran more than two dozen times during a three-month period.
Favre has publicly rejected White’s notion that he was paid for work he didn’t conduct.
“I would never accept money for no-show appearances, as the state of Mississippi auditor, Shad White, claims,” Favre wrote in a social media post in 2021. “… for Shad White to continue to push out this lie that the money was for no-show events is something I cannot stay silent about.”
In a press conference White held to refute Favre’s statement, the auditor mentioned the contract by name.
“I was not in the room, but once we got in the room, our agents slid the contract across the table that described the things that Mr. Favre was supposed to do in order to be paid $1.1 million worth of welfare money,” White said. “The contract is very simple. We asked him in this meeting did you give these speeches, and his answer was no.”
White’s argument rested on the fact that the contract he possessed was a legit agreement – a notion Favre’s attorneys are now questioning.
The first page of the contract, a PDF document produced as part of discovery in the civil case, is an email Nancy New purportedly sent to her son Zach New in December of 2017. The email contains more detail about the scope of services. It says the ad recordings or tapings will be arranged as close as possible to Hattiesburg, Favre’s hometown. It cites the Governor’s “Healthy Teens for a Better Mississippi” rally as an example of a public appearance Favre will attend, but also specifies, “These are to be scheduled only upon available time of the client.”
The formatting of the email is irregular, one reason Favre’s attorneys are questioning its authenticity. The document does not say the email was delivered to Favre.
“When I saw it, I was like, ‘What is this?’” Bud’s daughter Mary Lee Holmes, the public prosecutor in Forrest County and an attorney on Favre’s defense team, told Mississippi Today. “This is just some informal email saying, ‘Hey you want to come be a spokesperson for Families First?”
In the email, the CEO of Favre Enterprises Bobby Culumber’s name is misspelled “Lculumber.” The document provided to attorneys is also titled “Farve Enterprises,” a misspelling of Favre’s name.
“They’ve got Favre spelled wrong. I’m like, is this even a real thread? I want to see the metadata on this,” Mary Lee Holmes said.
The contract contains a signature from Culumber, though documents from the Secretary of State’s Office show that Culumber’s signature – he uses his full first name Robert – looks much different from the signature on the Favre contract.
However, Culumber verified the contract and his signature in an email to the auditor’s office, according to emails obtained by Mississippi Today. Culumber is also named as a defendant in the civil suit. He did not return calls to Mississippi Today Thursday.
The absence of a real written agreement could help Favre’s legal defense in the case of breach of contract charges – if there is no contract, there is no breach. But an admission to taking $1.1 million without a written agreement may not bode well for Favre either.
“If Favre’s attorneys are now suggesting he was paid over a million dollars of welfare money without a valid contract, the results are no different. Favre Enterprises should not have been paid and, therefore, must repay taxpayers $1.1 million—plus interest,” White said in a written statement to Mississippi Today. “I am astonished that Mr. Favre and his representatives continue to dig a deeper legal hole for themselves in the media.”
Mississippi Today asked Bud Holmes if Nancy New and Favre entered the advertising contract as a way to get money to the volleyball stadium, to which Holmes responded, “No, no, no, it’s nothing like that. If it is, I have not heard.”
After intervention from the Mississippi State Department of Health, the Mississippi Emergency Management Agency, three different federal agencies, and water plant operators from Georgia, Florida and Louisiana, water pressure leaving the city of Jackson’s O.B. Curtis treatment plant is finally stable.
After the city’s largest water treatment facility failed last week, leaving most of the capital city’s 150,000-plus residents with little or no water pressure, officials have made drastic progress. Since the weekend, the reported pressure at the city’s largest water treatment facility has been at or near ideal levels, hovering around the goal of 87 pounds per square inch (PSI) according to city updates.
But with or without pressure, Jacksonians have had to boil their water to drink or brush their teeth for the last 40 days, as advised by the Mississippi State Department of Health. MSDH can’t lift the advisory until city officials collect 120 samples free of E. coli and coliform bacteria in two consecutive days.
A combination of heavy rain, flooding and low pressure stopped Jackson from conducting those samples over the last couple weeks, and now the city will spend the few days flushing out the “bad” water before it can resume sampling, Gov. Tate Reeves explained Wednesday. Reeves said it is unlikely that will happen by Friday.
Water qualityand turbidity
MSDH first issued the citywide boil notice on July 29 because of turbidity, or cloudiness in Jackson’s water. While turbidity itself is not unsafe, MSDH explained, it can interfere with the disinfection process, which is why the city has to collect samples showing the system is free of bacteria.
City officials attributed the turbidity to a lime slurry operators used to balance the pH in the water.
Prior to the pause in sampling, Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba emphasized that only a couple of the 120 samples came back showing bacteria, although the city never said whether there was a trend in which sampling locations didn’t yield clean results. Lumumba in early August called the turbidity a “technical violation,” and said it didn’t pose a public health threat.
When asked about that characterization, Anneclaire De Roos, an associate professor at Drexel University who specializes in environmental and occupational health, said that turbidity guidelines are a “line that shouldn’t be crossed,” and that federal drinking water restrictions are “not as conservative as they could be.”
“Turbidity is an indicator of whether there might be increased amounts of pathogens,” De Roos said. “The more particles in the water, that has been correlated with higher levels of pathogens like bacteria, viruses.”
She explained that it’s more efficient for a water system to test for turbidity rather than do separate tests for each pathogen. De Roos called the turbidity measurement recorded in MSDH’s boil water notice — between 1 and 2.5 turbidity units, compared to the legal threshold of 0.3 — “certainly high.”
Last week, when the city was struggling to produce adequate water pressure, the Environmental Protection Agency allowed Jackson to release water with higher than the allowed amount of turbidity to ensure there was enough pressure in the system for sanitary uses.
Just weeks before the July advisory, MSDH issued a separate citywide boil advisory on June 30 because of turbidity, which lasted a little over a week.
City officials have spent the last three days doing “investigative” samples to determine when it can resume official sampling, but so far there is no timeline.
Jackson also announced that MSDH issued two new licenses for workers at the O.B. Curtis plant on Tuesday, doubling the capacity for Class A operators at the facility.
An Oxford woman stole $2.9 million from a Mississippi State University sorority, according to court records from the Northern District of Mississippi.
The U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Northern District is sentencing Betty Jane Cadle, 75, for diverting money from the Delta Omega Chapter House Corporation for the Kappa Delta Sorority to her personal bank accounts and business between 2012 and September 2019.
Though court records state she received the millions as a part of a “scheme,” she is only facing sentencing for one count of wire fraud.
Cadle pleaded guilty in March for writing a $20,000 check from the sorority corporation’s bank account and depositing it into an account for her business in January 2018, according to court documents.
Between 2018 and 2019 Cadle deposited another five checks totaling about $111,500 into her business, Oxford children’s clothing store Belles and Beaus, according to court documents. As part of her plea deal, the federal government agreed to dismiss those five counts of wire fraud, according to court documents.
Court records did not say where the rest of the money allegedly taken from the sorority went.
Sorority bylaws state any expenditures from the sorority corporation’s bank account require prior approval by the board consisting of a president, treasurer, secretary and a student representative, according to court documents.
As treasurer, Cadle was responsible for managing sorority dues, purchasing items for the sorority house, paying utility bills, filing tax documents and general bookkeeping, according to court records.
She could face a maximum of 20 years of incarceration, a $250,000 fine, three years supervised release and a $100 special assessment. The court may also order restitution, according to court records.
Cadle’s sentencing is scheduled for Sept. 16, 11 a.m. at the federal courthouse in Oxford with U.S. District Court Judge Glen Davidson.
Cadle’s attorney was not able to be reached for comment when contacted by Mississippi Today. A spokesperson from the national organization of Kappa Delta was not immediately available for comment.
