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JPS denies Midtown Charter School lease of unused building

Following a failed attempt to lease a building from the Jackson Public School District, Midtown Public Charter School will relocate out of the Midtown neighborhood to a building near the intersection of Northside Drive and I-55 for the upcoming school year.

The Charter School Authorizer Board approved the move on Tuesday.

Midtown Public, first opened in 2015, currently serves 240 students in grades 5-8, according to the Mississippi Department of Education. Midtown Partners, the operators of the charter school, attempted to rent Rowan Middle School, which was closed in 2017. The building briefly housed an alternate GED program, but has been unoccupied for multiple years.

Charter schools are free public schools that do not report to a school board, like traditional public schools do. Instead, they are governed by the Mississippi Charter School Authorizer Board. These schools are controversial among traditional public school supporters because they have more flexibility for teachers and administrators when it comes to student instruction, and are funded by local school districts based on enrollment.

This was the point of contention among JPS supporters and officials. This school year alone, JPS has paid $888,747.60 to the school. If the district allowed Midtown to lease one of its unused buildings, it could recoup funds with the rent and repairs the charter school was willing to make. But the reason Midtown proposed a move at all was to expand enrollment, meaning ultimately JPS would be paying the school more money in future school years.

JPS school board members raised a number of concerns with the proposed lease when it was presented at a board meeting on April 5, including the amount of the rent payments and the processes of maintenance repairs and possible reauthorization of the lease.

The charter school would have paid $78,000 a year in the lease and approximately $115,000 in proposed repairs. Some board members pushed for a higher lease amount, but state law prohibits public school districts from charging above the market value of the property.

There was also a discussion among board members about the broader merits of the charter school system, which Superintendent Errick Greene said should not be conflated with the issue of the lease at hand.

“Whether Midtown, the charter school, should exist or not, should operate in Jackson, Mississippi or not, that’s a worthy discussion and an issue that I’m sure is ripe for some larger movement and lobbying around the law that allows it to be,” Greene said. “We find ourselves in a situation where we have a number of buildings that are shuttered, with lots of ideas about how we might use those buildings, but we have an organization standing in front of us right now with dollars that we know they have because they come through us and go to them, and an opportunity to recoup some of those dollars.”

Board member Cynthia Thompson said she felt they didn’t need to take the first offer that presented itself and suggested recruiting proposals to use the space for another purpose. She also expressed frustration with the design of the charter school system more broadly.

“I understand the constraints that are given to us as a district to follow. But it’s hard to play ball when the other person doesn’t have to follow those rules,” she said.

At the following board meeting on April 19, nine people came to speak with two-thirds opposed to the rental of Rowan.

Ronica Smith, a parent of two Midtown Public students who came to speak in support of the lease, said that her children have done well and been excited about learning since attending.

“Midtown is a good school. If you give Midtown a chance to get Rowan, y’all are going to see, it’s going to blossom,” she said.

Other community members mentioned Midtown’s low test scores as a concern with issuing the lease, which was also previously the subject of state inquiry.

“We live in a state that has historically underfunded the education of Black children, and continues to do so while simultaneously increasing funding to entities such as Midtown Public Charter Schools, which has done a subpar job of educating Black children at best, scoring in the bottom ten percent of Mississippi schools,” said a man who spoke during the public comment section at the meeting.

JPS Board President Ed Sivak pointed out that when Rowan was closed, students in Midtown were instead sent to Brinkley Middle School, which does not score any better than Midtown Public.

The lease was presented again with amendments at the April 19 board meeting, which board member Robert Luckett moved to approve, citing the support of the residents of Midtown for the lease. But lacking support from any other board members, the proposal failed.

Kristi Hendrix, the executive director of Midtown Partners, could not be reached for comment but said in a letter to the Charter School Authorizer Board that the new facility they will be relocating to off of Northside Drive was previously used for education, making it an easy transition.

“We were very hopeful that a lease could be secured with the Jackson Public Schools for the usage of one of their two vacant buildings for the neighborhood,” Hendrix said in the letter. “Despite overwhelming support from the Midtown residents, the Jackson Public School Board expressed their desire to let the building sit vacant as opposed to allowing a charter school to use them.”

Kevin Parkinson, principal of Midtown Public, also could not be reached for comment.

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Philip Gunn’s connection to the Southern Baptist Convention sexual abuse scandal

Mississippi House Speaker Philip Gunn was closely involved in one of the harrowing stories featured in an explosive investigation into the mishandling of sexual abuse within Southern Baptist Convention churches.

The 300-page report, made public by the nation’s largest Protestant denomination this week, reveals that top Southern Baptist leaders across the nation systemically mishandled sexual abuse claims, often working to cover them up and suppress victims and their families. The report was compiled by a third-party firm, which scrutinized more than 20 years of sexual abuse accusations in Southern Baptist churches across the nation.

A Mississippi case involving a decades-long coverup and high-ranking Baptist officials defending an abuser was highlighted in the report. Though Gunn is not named in the report, his involvement as an attorney in the case was scrutinized broadly by the state and national press and even Southern Baptist-focused and other religious news outlets.

John Langworthy, a former music minister at Morrison Heights Baptist Church in Clinton, resigned from the church in 2011 after admitting that he sexually abused young boys when he worked at two Mississippi Baptist churches in the 1980s and then in a Texas Baptist church.

Gunn, who has served in leadership roles at Morrison Heights, was the church’s attorney as Langworthy’s case played out in the courts and in the public sphere. The speaker was unable to be reached for comment regarding this article.

Langworthy was first accused of abusing a teenage boy at a Texas Baptist megachurch in 1989. But that church’s pastor Jack Graham, who once served a stint as president of the Southern Baptist Convention, allowed Langworthy to be dismissed quietly and did not report the abuse to police at the time, the report said.

Langworthy immediately moved back to Mississippi, where he landed a job in 1990 as music minister at Morrison Heights and later as a choir teacher at Clinton High School. Langworthy held those jobs until 2011, when details of his abuse were first made public. 

Amy Smith, an advocate for child abuse survivors who had worked in 1989 at the Texas church where Langworthy was first accused, worked for months starting in 2010 to get Morrison Heights church leaders — and really anyone else — to hear her story about the Texas accusations of Langworthy. Smith told a blogger the story about Langworthy’s Texas abuse allegation and the ensuing coverup at the Texas church, and the blog published that information in June 2011.

With the accusations made public via the blog, Langworthy confessed to the Morrison Heights congregation in August 2011 that he abused children during his time in Texas and while he was in Mississippi before that. Smith then shared video of Langworthy’s confession with journalists in Texas and Mississippi, and the story was broadcast. Several victims of Langworthy’s saw those news reports and alerted authorities. In September 2011, he was indicted in Hinds County on charges of sexually abusing five boys ages 6-13 in Jackson and Clinton between 1980 and 1984.

Hinds County Assistant District Attorney Jamie McBride told the Clarion Ledger at the time that an investigation showed Langworthy was “involved heavily with the youth choirs from 1980 to 1984 at First Baptist Church of Jackson and Daniel Memorial Baptist Church in Jackson.”

When Langworthy confessed to the abuse in 2011, Gunn was set to become one of Mississippi’s most powerful political leaders as speaker of the House. But that same year, Gunn had become ensnared in the church scandal.

Gunn was publicly accused of trying to cover up Langworthy’s abuse before his confession and indictment. Amy Smith, the Texas church staffer who first disclosed details of Langworthy’s earlier abuse to the blogger, told Mississippi reporters in 2011 that she heard from Gunn three months before Langworthy publicly admitted to the abuse and four months before he was indicted.

Gunn emailed Smith in May 2011 “to discuss a resolution,” he wrote. Smith declined to speak with Gunn and perceived his email as an effort to sweep the allegations under the rug.

“Seems to me like he was asking to offer me something to go away to be quiet and that was not acceptable to me, that’s not protecting children and I simply said no,” Smith told WJTV at the time.

After Smith refused to speak with him, Gunn reportedly contacted another advocate who was also publicly discussing Langworthy’s past crimes. Sherry LeFils, a former Texas probation officer who worked with thousands of sex offenders, said at the time that she had three phone conversations with Gunn regarding Langworthy’s case. She told WJTV that one phone call, in particular, struck her as odd.

“My take was what we can do to make this right, to make this go away,” LeFils told WJTV.

Gunn also faced broad public scrutiny for advising Morrison Heights church leaders to not talk with the Hinds County District Attorney’s investigators about what Langworthy told them about his alleged child sex abuse. To back up that counsel, Gunn cited a “priest-penitent privilege” law — which legal scholars later said was not relevant to the case.

“What I’m telling you is that the elders are bound by privilege. Under the law, there’s a legal privilege that attaches. Are there no exceptions to that? No, there are no exceptions to that,” Gunn said in a WJTV interview in 2011.

Smith, who prosecutors later credited with the work that ultimately inspired Langworthy’s victims to come forward, blistered Gunn publicly for that position.

“It is very troubling that Philip Gunn as the legal representative for Morrison Heights Baptist Church is trying to keep information from Hinds County prosecutors about a recently arrested and indicted child molester on whose behalf Gunn attempted to ‘discuss a resolution’ with me last May,” Smith said in November 2011.

Gunn and other church leaders maintained they found no evidence that Langworthy abused children in his 21 years as music minister at Morrison Heights. But what church leaders knew was never divulged publicly because a trial never occurred.

Even after his public admission to the Morrison Heights congregation, Langworthy cut a guilty plea deal that kept him out of prison. He served five years of probation, could have no contact with the survivors of his abuse, and had to remain registered as a sex offender. The state’s sex offender registry says Langworthy died in 2019.

Graham, the pastor of the Texas megachurch where Langworthy’s abuse accusation was allegedly ignored, refused to speak with investigators who were compiling the report released this week.

Meanwhile, Southern Baptists are reeling as they reckon with the report and its broad negative attention.

Russell Moore, a Mississippi native and prominent Southern Baptist Convention leader who left the denomination in 2021 for, among other reasons, its lax response to the sexual abuse scandal, penned a column for Christianity Today this week about the damning report.

I can’t imagine the rage being experienced right now by those who have survived church sexual abuse. I only know firsthand the rage of one who never expected to say anything but ‘we’ when referring to the Southern Baptist Convention, and can never do so again. I only know firsthand the rage of one who loves the people who first told me about Jesus, but cannot believe that this is what they expected me to do, what they expected me to be. I only know firsthand the rage of one who wonders while reading what happened on the seventh floor of that Southern Baptist building, how many children were raped, how many people were assaulted, how many screams were silenced, while we boasted that no one could reach the world for Jesus like we could.

That’s more than a crisis. It’s even more than just a crime. It’s blasphemy. And anyone who cares about heaven ought to be mad as hell.

Russell Moore in Christianity Today on May 22, 2022

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Maximus call center workers in Mississippi continue striking for better wages and benefits

Frances Poole says she is still rationing medication from 2019 after doctors raced to save her life by removing her colon. 

Last time she attempted to have the pills refilled at the pharmacy, she said the bill was $70. She should also be having regular checkups with a specialist. 

“I just cannot afford that,” said Poole, 55. 

Poole has spent the last seven years at Maximus Federal in Hattiesburg, a call center contracted by the federal government. All workday, she answers questions about the Obamacare marketplace. Often, she says, the health benefits she’s helping callers with are better than what she has through Maximus. 

That’s why she’s become one of the call center’s most vocal employees, working alongside the Communications Workers of America and its local Hattiesburg chapter to organize Maximus workers. She attended their first strike in March and was back on the picket line for a two-day strike on Monday and Tuesday.

In addition to offering assistance with the Affordable Care Act marketplace, call center workers also handle Medicare inquiries. There are about 10,000 Maximus workers across 11 call centers. Workers in a Louisiana call center also went on strike this week.

Workers say they’ve seen no response from Maximus – the nation’s largest federal contractor – since their first strike in March. Their biggest complaints continue to be benefits and wages. The changes the company made earlier this year to improve pay and health care aren’t enough, according to workers.

Maximus lowered the health care deductibles from $4,500 to $2,500 after employee pressure began in 2021. 

“But who has $2,500?” Poole said. 

Call center workers make about $15 an hour, leaving most of the Hattiesburg workers with wages between $31,000 to $35,000 a year before taxes. That latest hike came just ahead of a presidential order in January that all federal contract workers be paid $15 an hour. 

Most of the Hattiesburg workers were making between $9 and $11 before the pandemic. 

On Tuesday morning – while dozens of workers, activists and CWA members marched to deliver the second-day strike notice – Maximus leaders held a virtual investors call. 

Maximus CEO Bruce Caswell called the company’s “people its advantage.” 

“Our commitment to make Maximus an employer of choice is not a new goal,” Caswell told investors, as he touted flexibility the company offers with work-from-home options and the recent cuts to health care costs. 

In its second quarter report that came out earlier this month, Maximus reported a revenue increase of 22.7% to $1.18 billion compared to last year. The company expects revenue for the latest fiscal year to range between $4.5 to $4.7 billion. 

With the costs of essentials like gas and food on the rise, Poole and her coworkers say it has been all the more difficult to stretch each paycheck enough. Their wages, workers say, have never kept up with inflation making it near impossible to build up any sort of meaningful savings. 

“What man or woman or family can survive at $9.05 an hour?” Jaimie Brown, 49, said, referring to his long-held former wage as a Maximus worker. “Seven years I’d been doing this. What makes me not a professional? Why can’t you pay me as a professional?”

Brown said he was regularly assisting insurance brokers do their jobs.

He is a single parent of a 7-year-old son. Many of his former coworkers are single mothers; most are Black. 

Brown’s employment ended with Maximus in March. He filed a complaint against the National Labor Relations Review Board with the help of the CWA, the union Maximus employees are working with. The CWA said in a statement that they’re holding Maxiums accountable for discouraging workers from forming a union. 

Brown declined to comment on the specifics of the complaint and his separation from the company. Maximus said it doesn’t comment on pending litigation, but that it respects workers rights to organize. 

Brown has lived in Mississippi for almost two decades. He was raised in New York, where unions are more common. Organizers and experts across Mississippi have said one of the biggest hurdles organizers face in the South is educating workers on their rights. 

READ MORE: Starbucks employees and others trying to unionize in Mississippi face decades-old hardships

“There’s going to be some ups and downs,” Brown said. “You got to take the bumps with it in order for improvement. It takes a fight … but there will be no benefits unless we all stand up to do this.” 

In a statement, Maximus said it “routinely meets with its employees to address various concerns and issues.” It also says it has an employee hotline where workers can submit issues anonymously. 

CWA said nearly 100 workers went on strike this week in Mississippi. 

“It can all go around,” Brown said, referring to forming a union. “Everyone could win.”

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30,000 state employees, teachers poised to lose name-brand prescription coverage under state plan

More than 30,000 state and public school employees received letters this week informing them their medications will no longer be covered under the state’s prescription drug program as of July 1 — the results of an effort by state leaders to save money.

A little-known board comprised of 14 state government leaders voted in August 2021 to make the changes to the prescription plan, according to meeting minutes. A spokesperson for the Mississippi Department of Finance and Administration said the change was made after COVID-19 caused an increase in costs. The change will save the state an estimated $15 to $18 million, according to DFA.

Earlier this year, lawmakers appropriated $60 million in American Rescue Plan Act funding to the plan to offset COVID-related losses. 

Almost 197,000 state employees, dependents, spouses and retirees receive state health insurance benefits. The health benefits are administered by Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Mississippi, and CVS Caremark is the pharmacy benefit manager for the prescription drug program. 

“This is a way to curb those costs and continue to provide excellent coverage to state employees,” DFA spokesperson Marcy Scoggins said in an emailed statement. “An external advisory board of doctors and pharmacists recommends to CVS Caremark what (medication) substitutions are allowed. In the majority of cases, the substitute has the same efficacy at a lower cost.”

But some covered by the plan don’t believe the substitute medicine CVS Caremark suggested for them will work and feel that the state is inserting itself between them and their doctor.

One school administrator, who did not want her name used because of her employment, received a letter about medication she began taking several months ago for a thyroid condition. Her plan would no longer cover it beginning July 1, the letter from CVS Caremark and DFA stated. 

The medicine, Armour Thyroid, costs about $100 a bottle. She was previously paying a $25 copay. 

“When they change medicines like that, you have to start the process all over and go through, ‘Well this dosage is not enough, this dosage is too much,’ and have your levels drawn every so often,” she said. 

She said she doesn’t understand why anyone besides her doctor is dictating what medicine she should take.

“I’m just aggravated. It’s like they think they know better than what my doctor knows,” she said.  

A teacher, who did not want her name used in a story for fear of retribution, first received a notice from CVS Caremark dated May 11 that Ozempic, her medicine for insulin resistance, will no longer be covered. The company wrote that “… starting July 1, 2022, you’ll have to change to a preferred medication.”

The preferred medicine listed was metformin, but she has already been taking that medication for nearly a decade, she said.

“On metformin alone, we weren’t having any success … so (the doctor) said, ‘Let’s try this,’ and it was like magic,” she said, referring to the once-weekly injectable Ozempic.

The retail price for the drug is around $1,000. With insurance coverage, the teacher currently pays a $25 copay. 

After talking to her doctor about submitting a prior authorization form – which the company could then approve or deny and continue covering the Ozempic – she got another letter the following week.

“Starting July 1, 2022, there will be a limit on the amount of medication that your plan will cover. Once you reach the limit, you will have to pay the entire cost for additional medication which exceeds the limit,” the May 17 letter stated. 

The limited amount covers what she takes, but she says she’s still a bit confused. 

“I’m scared that they will jerk the rug out from under me mid-year and send another letter saying my medication won’t be covered,” she said. 

An employee at the University of Mississippi Medical Center, who also did not want her name used because of her job, has been using Synthroid for 10 years since having her thyroid removed. She’s tried the generic that CVS Caremark has suggested for her, but it doesn’t work. 

“We tried all different types of replacement hormones and different doses, and I’m now stable on one, and I don’t want to change again,” she said. “It just seems flippant to me that they assume everyone can switch from Synthroid to the generic.” 

She said she plans to try to qualify for a special savings program with the company. If that fails, she plans to talk to a friend whose doctor orders the drug from a Canadian pharmacy at a less expensive price.  

The last time similar changes were made to state employees’ prescription coverage was in 2019, according to DFA. DFA did not answer follow-up questions from Mississippi Today about how many people were affected and the amount of money saved that year.

The state health insurance plan’s reserves have dwindled from $274 million in 2015 to $113 million in 2020, according to a presentation made by Cindy Bradshaw, state insurance administrator, to the Senate Education Committee in September 2021.

Drug claims have increased every year in that same time period except for one, with the most recent increase of 5% occurring in 2020.

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Divided panel of federal judges refuses to rule on constitutionality of redrawn U.S. House map

A three-judge federal panel that has been overseeing the redistricting of Mississippi’s congressional seats since the early 2000s has declined to rule on whether the state’s four newly drawn U.S. House districts are constitutional.

Judges E. Grady Jolly of the U.S. 5th Circuit and David Bramlette of the Southern District of Mississippi refused to rule on the argument made by the NAACP and other groups that the four new districts are racially gerrymandered and dilute the voting strength of African Americans.

The third member of the panel, Judge Henry T. Wingate of the Southern District of Mississippi, said the majority was “shirking” its responsibility by not hearing the case. Wingate also wrote separately that he did not totally discount the arguments of racial gerrymandering.

But Wingate said, “It is this judge’s view … that the citizens of Mississippi will be better served by giving their elected representatives the chance to revisit these issues in the upcoming 2023 legislative session.”

Additionally, the judges opted to end the panel’s oversight of the state’s U.S. House elections altogether.

READ MORE: Mississippi NAACP questions constitutionality of redistricting plan

Jolly and Bramlette said their ruling did not prevent the NAACP and others from filing a separate lawsuit arguing the plan approved by the Legislature in January and signed into law by Gov. Tate Reeves is unconstitutional because of the alleged racial gerrymandering.

But in the meantime, elections are slated to go forward this year under the plan approved by the Legislature. The primary elections are scheduled for June 7 with the general election set for November.

All of the judges agreed that the elections should not be postponed.

The NAACP, One Voice, Black Voters Matter Capacity Building Institute and other organizations wanted the three-judge panel to halt the use of the legislative plan and instead use a plan proposed by the NAACP or instead develop its own plan. The Mississippi Republican Party and others had argued that the legislative plan is constitutional, but they wanted the judges to find the plan constitutional before relinquishing their jurisdiction of the case.

The three-judge panel initially drew a congressional map for the state after the 2000 U.S. Census when the Legislature could not agree on a redistricting plan. The state lost a congressional district based on the results of the 2000 Census because of slow population growth.

Then in 2011, the three-judge panel again redrew the districts to adhere to population shifts found by the 2010 Census after the Legislature again was unable to agree on a congressional map.

The Legislature did agree on a plan after the 2020 Census, though every African American state lawmaker in both the House and Senate voted against it.

READ MORE: Lawmakers redraw congressional districts for first time since early 1990s

Under the plan approved by the Legislature, Congressional District 2, the state’s only Black majority district, will run nearly the entire western length of the state with Adams, Amite, Franklin and Walthall counties in southwest Mississippi being added to the district. The district will extend from Tunica in northwest Mississippi to the Louisiana-Mississippi border in southwest Mississippi. The only county that borders the Mississippi River not in the district is heavily Republican DeSoto County.

District 2 is the only one of the state’s four congressional districts to lose population since 2010 — more than 9%, or about 65,000 people.

District 2 incumbent Rep. Bennie Thompson, the state’s lone African American and Democratic member of the congressional delegation, supported the NAACP proposal to make District 2 more compact with a smaller Black majority than in the legislative plan. The NAACP argued under its plan an African American candidate could still be elected in the 2nd District while allowing Black voters to have more of an impact in other districts in the state.

Mississippi’s newly drawn U.S. House map passed during the 2022 legislative session.

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Southern Miss baseball reaping rewards of record-breaking season

2022 Boo Ferriss Trophy winner Tanner Hall of Southern Miss, flanked by Golden Eagle head coach Scott Berry (left) and pitching coach Christian Ostrander. (Photo by Hays Collins)

The Southeastern Conference long has cast a huge shadow over the sports world in these parts in any given season. But consider this: In college baseball this season, Mississippi State came in as the defending National Champion. Ole Miss was ranked No. 1 in the early season. That’s not a shadow, that’s more like a black out. 

And it’s nothing new for Southern Miss, which has long struggled for attention in its own state, even while playing quality baseball season after season after season. 

Given that, here’s a little what many might not know…

Rick Cleveland

Did you know that this spring marks the sixth straight season during which the Golden Eagles have won at least 40 games or more? It’s true. Southern Miss is one of only two Division I teams in the nation to have won at least 40 games for six straight seasons (Dallas Baptist is the other).

And did you know that this season Scott Berry became the winningest coach in the school’s long-successful baseball history? He did. When the Eagles defeated UAB on May 1, it was Berry’s 469th victory as head coach in only his 12th full season. You can do the math, but that’s really close to 40 wins per. And consider this: Berry’s three predecessors — Pete Taylor, Hill Denson and Corky Palmer — have all been selected to the Mississippi Sports Hall of Fame. Note to MSHOF selection committee: Reserve a spot for Berry, a nice guy who never finishes anywhere close to last.

Did you know Southern Miss finished the regular season with a 41-14 record, including a sparkling 23-7 record in Conference USA, the nation’s fifth highest rated baseball league? The Eagles did, finishing three games clear of second place Louisiana Tech, another terrific college baseball program that struggles for attention in its own state.

Did you know over Berry’s 12 seasons, Southern Miss has battled in-state rivals Ole Miss and Mississippi State on nearly even terms — 12-10 vs. Ole Miss, 8-12 vs. State?

Did you know Southern Miss pitching ranks second in the nation (to Tennessee) in earned run average, giving up only a tad over three earned runs per nine innings?

Did you know Golden Eagle pitching ranks second (to Florida State) in the nation in strikeouts with 623? That’s 11.3 per nine innings if you are keeping score.

Did you know Southern Miss sophomore right-hander Tanner Hall, awarded on Monday the Boo Ferriss Trophy, finished the regular season with 120 strikeouts and only 10 walks? He did and those numbers are insane — second best in the nation. The last pitcher to win the Boo was Golden Eagle Nick Sandlin in 2018. He now pitches for the Cleveland Indians.

Did you know Southern Miss pitching ranks second in the nation (again, to Tennessee) in strikeouts-to-walks ratio, finishing just .03 percentage points behind the Vols? (Yes, pitching coach and associate head coach Christian Ostrander deserves huge credit for all those amazing pitching numbers.)

Did you know Southern Miss had won a school record 15 consecutive games before Reece Ewing and Slade Wilkes, two left-handed sluggers (the No. 3 and No. 5 hitters in the lineup) suffered injuries that caused them both to miss time? Did you know that during the games that Ewing played this season, Southern Miss was an even more impressive 37-9?

Did you know Southern Miss shattered attendance records at Pete Taylor Park this season, breaking season ticket sales record by nearly 1,000 and averaging 4,771 per game? That was 10th the nation and No. 1 among non-power five conference teams.

Scott Berry Credit: USM sports information

Strange as it sounds, Berry’s Southern Miss program has gained more respect nationally than it has in its home state. It’s true. The Golden Eagles reached a No. 4 ranking nationally before Ewing and Wilkes were injured. DI Baseball currently ranks the Golden Eagles 14th in the nation. Respected national publications have all predicted Southern Miss will host an NCAA Regional with as high as a No. 9 national seed.

All those are reasons why Berry’s ball club this spring has emerged, at least briefly, from the SEC’s long shadow. It remains to be seen how far these Eagles can fly. Next step: the CUSA Tournament, which the top-seeded Eagles will host beginning Wednesday at Pete Taylor Park.

No predictions here other than when it comes to NCAA Tournament baseball, teams with the deepest pitching staffs normally have a distinct advantage. Southern Miss has the deepest pitching staff in the school’s history. In this case, the numbers do not lie.

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Chief Justice Randolph gave state judges a pay raise, then lawmakers gave them another

Mississippi lawmakers rubber-stamped a pay raise Supreme Court Chief Justice Michael Randolph gave to himself and other state judges last year and provided judges an additional pay raise during the completed 2022 session.

House Bill 1423, passed during the 2022 session and signed into law by Gov. Tate Reeves, puts into law the pay raise that was enacted early in 2021 by the chief justice. In addition, the legislation provides additional salary increases for the state’s nine Supreme Court justices, 10 Court of Appeals judges, 57 circuit judges and 52 chancellors starting Jan. 1, 2023.

The pay raise for Randolph goes from $174,000 annually to $181,490. The other pay raises starting in 2023 are:

  • Presiding justices on the Supreme Court from $169,500 to $176,737.
  • Associate justices on the Supreme Court from $166,500 to $173,800.

The chief judge for the Court of Appeals, starting in 2023, will receive a raise of $7,849 to $169,349, while the associate judges will get a pay increase of $9,967 to $168,467.

The districtwide trial court judges, both circuit and chancery, will receive an increase of $9,000 to $158,000 starting in 2023.

The pay raises slated to begin on Jan. 1 are in addition to the salary increases Randolph awarded to the judges early in 2021.

Before enacting the pay raise in 2021, Randolph wrote a letter in December 2020 informing state Personnel Board Executive Director Kelly Hardwick that he was authorizing a $15,000 pay raise for himself to bring his salary to $174,000 annually and awarded similar salary increases for other members of the state’s judiciary. 

While most elected officials in Mississippi have their salaries set by the Legislature — traditionally the only governmental body with the power to appropriate money — a provision in a 2012 law apparently gives the Supreme Court chief justice the power to raise salaries of the judiciary without legislative approval.

READ MORE: Supreme Court chief quietly gave pay raise to himself and other judges without legislative approval

At the time Randolph enacted the salary increase, some legislators questioned his authority to enact the pay raise. But during the 2022 session, the Legislature did not change the law to ensure that the chief justice could not enact similar raises in the future. Instead, the Legislature put those pay raises Randolph enacted in 2021 into law and provided the additional pay raises starting in 2023.

The 2022 legislation also provides a pay raise for district attorneys from $125,900 to $134,400 starting Jan. 1.

In addition to providing the power to raise judiciary salaries, the 2012 legislation, authored by then-House Judiciary A Chair Mark Baker, R-Brandon, also increased the fees on various court filings — such as the fee to file a civil lawsuit or on the levies in criminal proceedings — to help pay for the salary increases. Some argued at the time the increase on the various court filings was equivalent to a tax increase for those who use the courts. But then-Chief Justice William Waller Jr., who advocated for the 2012 legislation, said judges at the time desperately needed a pay increase and he was trying to be responsible by providing a method to pay for it.

During the 2022 session, legislators also provided significant pay raises for other state elected officials.

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Podcast: When can Mississippians get medical marijuana?

Ken Newburger, executive director and founder of the Mississippi Medical Marijuana Association, gives an update on Mississippi’s fledgling medical cannabis program, which was passed into law by the state Legislature in February. Newburger said it will probably be late this year or early next year before patients can receive medical marijuana.



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