To his credit, Senator Roger Wicker championed legislation to help out restauranteurs. But when it was added into the COVID Relief legislation, he voted against it. And then praised it. It’s just one of politics little side steps.
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Jackson’s long-term infrastructure problems are far from over, but the crisis the mid-February winter storm left on the city’s residents has been largely addressed.
The city’s large-scale water service disruptions are over for most residents, with the remaining incidents of low or no water pressure being mostly caused by faulty water meters or broken pipes at individual buildings.
A historic winter storm beginning on Feb. 14 froze water plant equipment and burst many pipes in the capital city, and at least 40,000 residents — mostly Black — were without water for about three weeks.
On Friday, a spokeswoman for the city said she does not know how many of Jackson’s 43,000 water connections were down after the winter storm but that the number of calls to the city’s help line to report service issues had greatly diminished.
Of the 126 reported water main breaks since the winter storm, 80 have been repaired, 7 are ready for repair and 39 are yet to be confirmed.
The city’s next hurdle is removing the boil water notice for its 43,000 surface water connections. City leadership has not presented a timeline for this, but hopes to be able to submit samples over the weekend. The city lifted its boil water notice for its 16,000 well water connections on Wednesday, but this affects a small number of customers in South Jackson as well as the cities of Terry and Byram.
City leaders, who have neglected funding the water system for decades, say they need major investment from the state to repair system, which is estimated to cost at least $1 billion. State lawmakers are debating how to address the water crisis before they are scheduled to leave Jackson on April 4.
READ MORE: Lawmakers consider Jackson water crisis options as end of session nears
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March 11, 2021
Today is Pandemic Day.
It’s the one-year anniversary of the day that world slowed to a grind. You know, the day Tom Hanks tested positive for COVID and the NBA shut down. Since then, there have been victories (the courageous efforts of our health professionals and the creation of not one but three successful vaccines) and tragedies (over 525,000 Americans dead with many more struggling to recover to normalcy). There have been ugly moments, mostly revolving around the politicization of the virus. That, sadly, has made the tragedy so much worse.
Looking back, I think about how the world changed. We learned how to Zoom, how to virtual learn, how to eat takeout and how to social distance. We learned how much we need human connection. (Thank God this happened when we had the Internet.) Mask mandates came and went. We helped and complained — we grieved and put all five stages out there on Facebook. Cases waxed and waned. Medical professionals learned on the fly how to treat seriously ill patients as science worked hard to catch up. At first, we couldn’t touch our faces. Then we figured out we were most likely to catch the disease from swapping air with those around us. Businesses struggled. Our mental health struggled. We lost parents and grandparents and friends –so many suffered alone. There has been a mix of outrage and sadness.
It has been exhausting.
The 1918 Flu, which is the only pandemic in the U.S. to have killed more Americans than this one, was quickly pushed aside after the third wave of deaths. There were no memorials to the dead other than the lingering fear of the survivors. Reading about that dark time, I wonder how this time will be viewed by history. The virus has ripped back the curtain on our institutions and our individual souls, revealing our true natures. It hasn’t always been pretty. The economy will come roaring back. Businesses that survived the initial heart attack will too.
The light at the end of the tunnel is upon us.
I look forward to the day when I can get back on a stage and speak to 1,000 people, sit in a bar, cheer my team in a crowded stadium and go to a concert.
Personally, I am grateful. The curtain got ripped back on me as well. I see the world in a different way than I did a year ago. I don’t look for the best in people anymore — I realize that is naive. I also know that most people are inheritantly selfish. We have viewed this pandemic through the lens of our own experience. For me, it took a physical toll. My back is garbage and I am not in good shape from sitting so much. On the bright side, I have perfected new skills and have adapted to the changes required. I also have gotten better at cutting people some slack.
We’re all going through this together, even if some handle it in a different way. One year. Twelve months. Three hundred and sixty five days. We are changed. It’s up to us to make it for the better.
I just hope Dr. Dobbs can get a day off.
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Economist Arthur Laffer, an adviser to former President Ronald Reagan whose beliefs helped shape U.S. economic policy in the 1980s, has endorsed Mississippi House Speaker Philip Gunn’s proposal to eliminate the state’s income tax while raising sales, “sin” and other consumer taxes.
“For decades, I’ve worked with state legislators to eliminate the tax that is the single greatest threat to state economic growth and prosperity — the income tax,” Laffer said in a statement in a Gunn press release. “My hat goes off to (Gunn) and his colleagues for their bold plan to make Mississippi more prosperous through income tax elimination and fiscal discipline. America is watching. Mississippi has a once-in-a-generation opportunity to re-position itself for economic growth.”
The House leadership’s proposal, HB 1439, awaits action in the Senate, where reaction from Gunn’s fellow Republican Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann has been lukewarm and noncommittal. Republican Gov. Tate Reeves, who himself has proposed eliminating the state income tax, has said he opposes the plan’s commensurate increases in other taxes, such as adding 2.5-cents to the state’s 7-cents on the dollar sales tax.
Gunn’s plan would also over time cut the sales tax on groceries in half.
READ MORE: House leaders move to eliminate Mississippi income tax, raise sales and other taxes in landmark bill
Economic and policy experts’ reactions to and analysis of Gunn’s proposal have been mixed.
The conservative Tax Foundation, on whose policies Gunn said he based his proposal, has agreed with Reeves that the income tax should be phased out without personal exemptions and offsetting tax increases Gunn proposes. It warned that some of Gunn’s sales tax increases — particularly on manufacturing machinery, farm equipment and other “intermediate transactions”— could cause “tax pyramiding.” Tax pyramiding is where the same good or service is taxed multiple times through the chain of production. The foundation said this would put some Mississippi businesses at a competitive disadvantage, and these tax costs would be passed on to consumers.
READ MORE: Study: House tax proposal increases burden on poor Mississippians
A study by economics professors at the University of Mississippi found that the bill would increase the state’s gross domestic product by $371 million annually by making the tax structure more efficient. In general, the study found that the income tax, which the House plan would eliminate, creates inefficiencies in the economy while a tax on consumption, such as the sales tax which would be increased by the House plan, does the opposite.
Another analysis by a progressive Washington, D.C.-based think tank warned that the plan would put too much of the tax burden on poor people. It said the bottom 60% of Mississippi’s income earners would be paying more taxes under the legislation while the top 40% would be paying less.
READ MORE: Is Gunn on a political island with tax overhaul plan?
Other conservative-leaning groups, such as Empower Mississippi, have generally surmised the bill would positively impact the state.
Hosemann has said the proposal needs more scrutiny, and called for a study from the state economist.
In a statement Thursday, Gunn said: “I am very pleased to have Dr. Laffer’s support for HB1439. Dr. Laffer’s leadership was a key inspiration for President Reagan’s transformative tax cuts, which set off an unprecedented boom in the American economy. There is no bigger name in tax reform circles nationally than Dr. Laffer. His support demonstrates the strength of HB1439. It is a credit to the hard work of Chairman Trey Lamar, Speaker Pro Tem Jason White, and our House members. As Dr. Laffer said, this is a once in a generation opportunity. I urge Lt. Governor Hosemann and our Senate to work with the House to bring transformative tax reform to Mississippi this session.”
Laffer, who has been called “the father of supply side economics,” promoted the idea that lowering tax rates could result in higher revenues. He created the “Laffer curve,” which shows that, starting from a zero tax rate, increases in taxes increase government revenue, but at some point higher taxes begin to reduce revenue — cuts to marginal rates increase tax revenues.
Laffer’s theories influenced U.S. economic policies, including Reagan’s 1981 economic plan.
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Department of Education officials announced annual average ACT scores on Thursday, which indicate that the majority of high school juniors in the state are not college ready.
While average ACT scores rose slightly for juniors across the state from 17.6 in 2019 to 17.7 in 2020, 90% of students are not hitting all four ACT benchmarks, which are used to gauge whether a student is likely to pass college courses that correspond to these test sections such as Algebra, Biology or Social Sciences. This is a 1% improvement from 2019, when 91% of students missed benchmarks for the ACT.
“As we look at [these benchmarks] we see a close connection to college readiness for students,” said Nathan Oakley, Mississippi Department of Education Chief Academic Officer.
Where ACT recommends that students score at least an 18 on English, 22 on Math, 22 on Reading and 23 on Science, Mississippi students on average scored 16.8 on English, 17.5 on Math, 17.9 on Reading and 18.2 on Science.
Teachers and school administrators have said that lack of resources and fatigue from state testing often contributes to lower ACT scores. Because students’ state test scores account for so much of a school district’s accountability grade, school resources prioritize preparing students to perform well on the state tests, not the ACT.
This means that a significant amount of classroom time is put toward preparing students for the state tests, which have no bearing on whether a student can get into college, rather than ACT prep, which has everything to do with college access.
All schools and school districts are given an accountability score that rates A through F. These scores are of tremendous importance to the school district. Businesses evaluate these ratings when considering setting up shop in a community, potential homeowners are typically drawn to regions with higher ratings because it indicates a better school district.
Also, if a school district scores an F on the accountability ratings two years in a row, the State Board of Education “may abolish the school district and assume control and administration of the schools,” according to MDE. This means the local school board would be dissolved and the superintendent would be removed from their position.
All of this can trickle down — especially in resource strapped, underperforming schools — to intense pressure on students to perform well on state tests because those scores make up the majority of the accountability grade.
Out of the 1,000 point system that schools with 12th grade classes are graded on for the accountability rating, 665 are based on how students perform on state tests. The ACT accounts for 47.5 points of that grade with 23.75 points depending on ACT Math performance and 23.75 points for ACT reading or english points.
Teachers and education advocates have argued that this grading system disincentivizes underperforming, underfunded school districts from prioritizing ACT prep because so much of the accountability grade rides on the state tests results.
They also say that this grading model does not benefit students; state tests results do not impact whether a student can get into college, while a student’s ACT score directly impacts whether they’ll be eligible for college enrollment, scholarships and other opportunities that are crucial for college access.
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Ashley Durval, mother of Harper Grace Durval, says it’s “truly sick” that the state Senate is using her daughter’s namesake bill to “undermine” the medical marijuana program Ashley helped get voters to put into the state Constitution.
In 2014, the Mississippi Legislature passed “Harper Grace’s Law,” named after the then 2-year-old girl who suffered a rare form of epilepsy. The measure allowed physicians at the University of Mississippi Medical Center to conduct clinical research on the medical use of cannabidiol, or CBD, and related compounds. But ironically, because of state regulations, Harper Grace was not allowed to use the medicine produced for the clinical trial named after her.
Ashley Durval filed the original paperwork that resulted in Initiative 65 — to create a medical marijuana program and enshrine it in the state Constitution — being placed on the ballot last year. Voters in November 2020 overwhelmingly approved it, although it is now being challenged in the state Supreme Court.
Mississippi lawmakers, who for years balked at creating a state medical marijuana program even as a public groundswell for it grew, have this session been trying to pass an alternative program to Initiative 65. Proponents say it would only be a backstop if the high court strikes down Initiative 65. But many supporters of the initiative suspect it’s a power and tax revenue grab by the Legislature and have opposed it.
On Wednesday, the state House killed the much-debated Senate Bill 2765. But the Senate on Wednesday evening revived the dead legislation, by inserting it as an amendment into the Harper Grace’s Law bill, which is up for reauthorization this year.
“As the mother of Harper Grace Durval, I am appalled that the Legislature would use my daughter’s own bill to undermine Initiative 65,” Durval said in a statement. “Initiative 65 is the only medical marijuana program that will ever benefit my daughter, and the Legislature is trying to kill it using my daughter’s own bill. That is truly sick.”
READ MORE: House kills medical marijuana bill. Senate tries a hail Mary
State Rep. Joel Bomgar, R-Madison, an ardent supporter of Initiative 65 who spent more than $2 million of his own money on the campaign for it, showed House colleagues and media Durval’s statement on Thursday and said, “It’s just sick. We’ve got to kill (the new Senate measure).”
“So the Senate is using the bill named for her daughter, who couldn’t get the medicine she needed from her own program, to undermine the ballot initiative her mother pushed,” Bomgar said. “We are using her daughter’s bill to screw over her mother’s initiative she filed to help her daughter get treatment she needs.
“It reminds me of the biblical passage about not boiling a baby goat in its mother’s milk,” Bomgar said. “I think it’s absolutely ridiculous.”
Senate proponents of the legislative measure, including Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, said it would only serve as a backup if the high court kills initiative 65. However, the Senate bill as originally drafted would have created a program that would run separately regardless of whether Initiative 65 is upheld. It was amended after debate to be effective only if the court strikes down the voter initiative.
A key difference between Initiative 65 and the Senate’s proposal is that under the voter-passed initiative, the Legislature cannot tax marijuana sales, nor spend any money the program generates. The Senate proposal would levy taxes and fees on cultivators, dispensaries and patients that some lawmakers estimated could bring hundreds of millions of dollars into state coffers.
Initiative 65, which opponents still claim was drafted to favor the marijuana industry and is just short of legalized recreational use, puts the Mississippi State Department of Health in charge of the program, with no oversight by elected officials. It also prevents standard taxation of the marijuana, and any fees collected by the health department can only be used to run and expand the marijuana program, not go into state taxpayer coffers. The measure allows little regulation by local governments, no limits on the number of dispensaries and otherwise leaves many specifics unspecified.
READ MORE: Mississippi’s medical marijuana mess
Hosemann on Wednesday evening said he doesn’t understand why many supporters of Initiative 65 are opposing the Senate efforts. He said if the high court strikes down Initiative 65, and the Senate backup is not passed, there will not be a state medical marijuana program anytime soon. He vowed “100 percent” that the Senate plans to keep the “trigger” language in the bill, that the legislative marijuana program would be enacted only if the court strikes down the voter-approved one.
“Our senators believe that the people in Mississippi voted on medical marijuana and they deserve to have that … a backup plan,” Hosemann said. He called opposition saying lawmakers are trying to usurp the will of the voters or greatly alter what they passed, “subterfuge.”
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Gov. Tate Reeves signed a bill Thursday designed to prevent transgender girls and women from competing against female athletes in public schools and colleges, though he could not cite any instance of that occurring in the state.
Reeves, a first-term Republican, said the bill was needed because Democratic President Joe Biden early in his tenure signed an executive order making it easier for transgender athletes to compete in female sports.
At no point during the legislative process this year could a supporter of the bill pinpoint a time in which this issue has come up at any educational institution in Mississippi. On Thursday, Reeves said the legislation was needed to protect Mississippi girls — such as his three daughters.
“It sends a clear message to my daughters and all of Mississippi daughters that their rights are worth fighting for,” Reeves said during a bill signing ceremony on the second floor of the state Capitol. The governor was joined by Sen. Angela Burks Hill, R-Picayune, the author of the legislation, Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann, House Speaker Pro Tem Jason White, R-West, and other legislators.
The Biden executive order does strive to prevent discrimination of transgender people and has been one of the focuses of Republican criticism of the new president. But in reality, the issues surrounding transgender sports participation pre-dates the Biden administration.
READ MORE: Bill barring transgender competition in women’s sports heads to governor
There is a lawsuit pending in Idaho centered around a bill similar to the legislation Reeves signed into law Thursday. That bill has been blocked as of now in the federal courts. Jarvis Dortch, executive director of the ACLU of Mississippi, said he is not sure if his group would file a similar lawsuit in Mississippi or become affiliated with the Idaho case.
Dortch said it might be difficult to file a lawsuit in Mississippi since no one has been harmed, as of yet, by the law since there are no known instances of transgender athletes competing in female sports.
“But if a Mississippi plaintiff comes our way, we will take the case,” he said.
In a statement, the ACLU of Mississippi said, “What makes SB 2536 so much worse than the routine fear-mongering is that it targets children. That cannot be lost in this discussion. Whatever your politics, we should all agree that ostracizing middle and high school kids is not something to celebrate.”
The bill would prevent transgender students from participating in both varsity and intramural sports designated for the gender in which they identify. The legislation states: “Athletic teams or sports designated for ‘females,’ ‘women’ or ‘girls’ shall not be open to students of the male sex.”
If there was any question about a person’s gender, that person could go to a doctor to have the issue clarified based on genetics and other factors.
“Mississippians are still reeling from the COVID-19 pandemic and its economic fallout. This law does nothing to help the tens of thousands still out of work or the nearly 300,000 who have contracted the virus in the state,” said Human Rights Campaign Mississippi Director Rob Hill. “What it does is further discriminate against transgender kids who are simply trying to navigate their adolescence. Every kid deserves the opportunity to learn the values of participation, team work, and work ethic that come with youth sports.”
On Thursday, Reeves seemed to imply that the Biden executive order was encouraging children to become transgender.
“It’s crazy we have to address it, but the Biden E.O. forced the issue. Adults? That’s on them. But the push for kids to adopt transgenderism is just wrong,” Reeves said on social media.
The Idaho law was passed last year. Mississippi is the second state to pass a similar law, but it is currently being considered it other states.
“Gov. Reeves knows this is not a problem in Mississippi and yet he insists on enthusiastically signing this bill to sow fear and division,” Hill said. “By making this harmful bill the law in Mississippi, Reeves is openly welcoming discrimination and putting the lives of transgender kids in danger.”
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Dak Prescott has signed a breathtaking new contract to play quarterback for the Dallas Cowboys. Actually, it takes your breath away. Somehow, the former Mississippi State Bulldog will have to scrape by on $160 million over the next four years.
That’s an average of $40 million a year and, among NFL salaries, is second only to what Patrick Mahomes makes for playing quarterback for the Kansas City Chiefs.
Today’s column will try to put Prescott’s contract in perspective. Let’s start with this: He will make more money next season than he has made in the previous five seasons combined — not bad for starters.
Prescott will make far, far more money than New Orleans originally paid to build the Superdome. Even accounting for inflation, that’s a staggering thought.
Here’s a sampling of Dak’s buying power:
• The most expensive home listed on the Dallas market currently is one under construction. It is an exquisite 23,688-square foot Palm Beach Mediterranean-styled manse, replete with six bedroom suites, eight full bathrooms, three-half bathrooms, a two-story great room, a cinema, a spa, an exercise room, a yoga studio, a commercial grade elevator to three different levels, a basement with seven car bays, an adjoining office, a safe room and a catering kitchen.
Now, you or I could buy this house for $37.5 million, presuming we could come up with the $740,000 down payment and make the monthly $125,000 note. Dak could pay cash out of his $67 million signing bonus and have millions left over.
• Of course, Dak already has a mansion with his own football field in the backyard, so he could, if he wanted, purchase a fleet of eight top-of-the-line, brand new Lear jets instead.
• The most expensive car in the world reportedly is the Bugatti Chiron Super Sport 300 priced at $3.9 million. Over the next four years, Dak could buy 41 of those.
• Quarterbacks are almost always outstanding golfers. Dak could buy his own course. No, he could buy several of his own courses. Fort Worth’s Woodhaven Country Club, an 18-hole championship course replete with clubhouse, pro shop, Olympic swimming pool, tennis courts and a dining area that can accommodate 500 at a time, is available for $5 million. For Dak: chump change.
• Reportedly, Dak prefers fishing to golfing. He grew up fishing off the bank with his grandmother in south Louisiana. He need not fish off the bank anymore. No, he can buy an elaborate, $400,000 Boston Whaler. Matter of fact, over the next four years, he could buy 400 of them.
• When Mississippi State spent $68 million for the elaborate redo of Dudy Noble, people raised their eyebrows. Dak almost could pay for it with his signing bonus alone. Think about: $67 million for signing his name. For a guy named Dak Prescott, that’s $6.7 million per letter.
Now then, we could argue forever whether any quarterback, any athlete, is worth $40 million a year. I mean, $40 million will pay the annual salaries more than 11,000 Mississippi public school teachers. Think about that: 11,000 teacher salaries.
Dak’s entire new contract wouldn’t pay to fix Jackson’s plumbing problems, but it would be a decent down payment.
But when you really get right down to it, there is no argument to be had. The NFL is a money-making machine. Clearly, Dak’s salary is what the market will bear. Dallas Cowboys owner Jerry Jones’ net worth is reportedly $8.9 billion. That’s with a B.
Here’s another way to look at it: At $40 million a year, Dak Prescott would have to quarterback the Cowboys 225 more years to make what Jones is worth.
And Jerry Jones isn’t risking life and limb every Sunday in the fall.
The post Dak Prescott’s new contract pays about $80,000 per pass he throws appeared first on Mississippi Today.
Exactly one year ago today, Mississippi confirmed its first case of COVID-19. In that time the virus has infected 299,124 people across the state and killed 6,864.
COVID-19 has killed more Mississippians than diabetes, Alzheimer’s, chronic liver disease, influenza, accidents, suicide and homicide killed — combined — in 2019.
And the virus is not done with us yet. In January, Mississippi set new single-day records for new COVID-19 cases and deaths and a monthly record of 1,240 deaths.
But as many reflect on the year filled with loss and fear, some say there is room for optimism. The number of COVID-19 cases, deaths, and COVID-related hospital admissions in Mississippi have been trending sharply downward since the January spike. The caseload for the first week of March was more than 83% lower than the January peak, and nearly 75% lower for hospitalizations.
“We’re not done with the COVID pandemic. COVID is real. And we’re really winning,” State Health Officer Dr. Thomas Dobbs said during a Monday press conference.
Still, MSDH officials acknowledge that any ground Mississippi has gained in combating the virus is fragile and at the mercy of how the public behaves going forward.
January’s peak was attributed to holiday travel and gatherings, and the upcoming Spring Break is a prime candidate for causing another such spike.
That vulnerability will also be tested in the coming weeks as we see the impact of Gov. Tate Reeves’ removal of all state-imposed mask mandates and most COVID-related restrictions on business operations. Dobbs has warned people against responding to decreasing infection numbers by abandoning the preventative measures that limit virus spread.
“If you’re up a run or two in the sixth or seventh inning, you don’t just lay down and let the other team just go at it on offense,” Dobbs said.
Dobbs said that he’s seen most people wearing masks in public, but that is not an experience shared by many Mississippians. One of them is Carol Lang, a 33-year-old grocery store employee in DeSoto County. Though she’s had to deal with plenty of unmasked customers over the past year, that number ballooned as soon as the mask mandate was removed.
“It felt like we were opening the floodgates a little bit,” Lang said. “Believe me, I understand the COVID-fatigue, but it’s not much to ask of someone.”
Though federal guidelines classify certain retail employees like Lang as essential workers, she is still not eligible for a COVID-19 in vaccine in Mississippi. Now she’s just waiting for her turn and praying she doesn’t bring the virus home in the meantime.
While reflecting on the entirety of the COVID-19 pandemic earlier this week, Dobbs held up a keepsake, the vial that once contained the first vaccine doses given in Mississippi. On Dec. 14, he and other health officials received their shots on camera to show its safety as the state’s first shipment was distributed.
Since those first shots were given, a total of 517,156 Mississippians — just over 17% of the state population — have received at least one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine. More than half of Mississippians over the age of 75 and about half of those over the age of 65 are vaccinated.
MAP: Where Mississippians can get the COVID-19 vaccine
More than 1,000,000 vaccine doses have been distributed statewide, and they’re being administered as fast as the state can get them. For the most part, MSDH’s drive-thru vaccination sites run like clockwork thanks to local health departments and the Mississippi National Guard.
Over 132,000 shots were given last week, several thousand more than the state received in the same period. This is due in part to eligibility requirements that are broader than most states and currently include a massive chunk of the population.
Mississippi joined most other states in abandoning the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines regarding which groups to include in phases of the vaccine rollout following healthcare workers and residents of long-term-care facilities. Last week, Mississippi also became the first state to open up vaccine eligibility to people ages 50 and up.
Currently, people 16 to 49 years old are also eligible for a vaccine if they have one of 12 chronic health conditions. Mississippi is one of at least 16 states that doesn’t require proof of a qualifying health condition, meaning anyone in that age group who wants a vaccine can get one if they’re willing to lie about it.
Getting shots in arms isn’t a problem, but making that process equitable has been difficult for MSDH.
“We are always trying to fine tune availability with eligibility,” Dobbs said.
Barriers to vaccine access are varied in who they affect and how difficult they are to remedy. Older, more vulnerable populations might be less tech savvy than younger people typically are, unable to book an appointment for themselves online without help. MSDH reserves a percentage of its drive-thru appointments for scheduling through their phone line for this reason.
Rural counties receive fewer doses and have fewer vaccine providers in their area, necessitating lengthy commutes for those lucky enough to secure appointments. MSDH has tried to mitigate this challenge by placing several of its 23 drive-thru locations in each of the state’s nine public health districts.
Addressing the racial inequities of the state’s immunization efforts has been especially difficult. The access problem is also combined with a trust problem for many Black Mississippians due the racism and abuse Black people have been subjugated to by U.S. governments and healthcare systems. While accounting for 38% of the state’s population, Black Mississippians were accounting for only 15% of the vaccines given in the state early in the distribution effort. That share has grown to 26%, and the gap is closing.
Dobbs credited this improvement to the work of Black community leaders in churches and healthcare settings, who continue advocating for vaccination.
“I’m proud of Mississippi. I’m proud of what we’re doing,” Dobbs said. “Let’s keep our foot on the accelerator, pushing COVID down so that we can get back to full normal before too long.”
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