OurTupelo

It was 50 years ago last week the college football world took a long timeout to grieve. The charter plane carrying the Marshall football team home from a game at East Carolina on Nov. 14, 1970, crashed and burned about a mile from the strip where it was supposed to land in Huntington, W.Va.

And here’s something I never knew until Sunday: That same plane, a Southern Airways charter jet, was supposed to pick up the Mississippi State football team later that night in Baton Rouge to return the Bulldogs home from a game at LSU.

“We waited and waited and waited; that plane never came,” said Jackson dentist Lewis Grubbs, a star sophomore halfback on that 1970 Mississippi State team.

The plane, a Southern Airways two-engine DC-9, was carrying 70 passengers and a five-person crew. All perished in the crash. Investigators determined the cause of the crash was either pilot error or instrument panel malfunction.

As with those in most of the country, State players had heard the horrible news of the Marshall team crash, which occurred at just about the time their own game with LSU was beginning. They did not know that the crashed plane was supposed to be their plane until well into their airport wait. Coach Charles Shira gathered the team and explained the situation to them while Southern Airways searched for another plane.

Older folks may remember that the Marshall team crash was the second football-related air tragedy of the 1970 season. On Oct. 2 of that year, a plane carrying members of the Wichita State team crashed in Colorado, killing 31 of 37 on board.

The Marshall crash was more deadly and is the one more remembered. A documentary and an acclaimed movie, “We Are Marshall,” was made, the latter starring Matthew McConaughey.

Says Grubbs, “I don’t see how anyone can watch that movie with dry eyes.”

Grubbs, a Prentiss native, was working toward his own pilot’s license at the time.

“So I knew something about flying, including all the statistics about how much safer it was getting on an airplane that getting into your car,” Grubbs said. “Still I was like everybody else that night. I had serious reservations about getting on the plane.”

Grubbs remembers one funny part of the entire episode. “They opened up the canteen at the airport and let us get whatever we wanted to eat and drink,” he said. “We had some fans with us and one of them – he was a judge I think – found the liquor cabinet. He told us he wasn’t going to get on any plane sober that night, and he made darn sure he didn’t. No way he ever knew he got on that plane or got off.”

Larry Templeton, who was a sports information assistant who would go on to become the school’s athletic director, was on the flight as well.

“That’s been a long, long time, but I remember how somber the mood was waiting for the flight and then how quiet it was on the plane,” Templeton said. “And I remember a couple players who had been really scared riding back in a car with the highway patrol men who had been with us for the game.”

Says Grubbs, who really was a running back, “LSU had popped us pretty good. We had beaten Oklahoma State and Georgia and we would beat Ole Miss. We had a winning record. But I do remember that all the sudden none of that mattered very much. I remember that I just sat there and thought about how an entire football team, one just like ours, had been killed in an instant. All those young people with a whole life in front of them. I still think about it every time I see a Marshall score.”

•••

Twenty-one years after the Marshall tragedy, I was speaking with Nate Ruffin, who was then of the human resources director of The Clarion Ledger, where I worked at the time. During the course of conversation, Ruffin, since deceased, told me that he was a captain of that 1970 Marshall team. He would have been on that disastrous flight if not for an injury that caused him to miss the trip.

After the tragedy, Ruffin manned the phones in the Marshall athletic department, delivering the news to families of his friends. He attended funerals and memorial services in eight states. He then played on the 1971 Marshall football team, highlighted in the movie, that heroically won three games.

Worst assignment of all: Ruffin was asked to help identify bodies at the morgue.

“These people, these big, strong young men, were shrunken to the size of dolls,” Ruffin told me.

Ruffin identified his best friend from the jewelry he wore.

For Ruffin, nightmares continued for years. Strangely, he felt guilty. “Why them? Why not me? It makes no sense but you tell yourself: I should have been on that plane.”

Ruffin told me he spent a dozen years numbing himself with alcohol and drugs before coming out of that dark period while making a speech at a memorial to his fallen teammates. For the first time since the tragedy, he said, he bared his soul, wept openly. It was a spiritual cleansing and healing, he said.

He spent most of the rest of his life helping other people.

Nate Ruffin was a big, friendly guy — solid as a rock. He died in 2001, a victim of leukemia. He is buried in Huntington beside six of his teammates — six who could not be identified.

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States across the country are scrambling to finalize plans to distribute thousands of rounds of COVID-19 vaccinations to high-priority patients.

Mississippi has slated vaccination distribution plans into three phases — first priority for front-line health care workers, then long-term care residents. Phase two focuses on high-risk folks such as those with other diseases that make their immune systems more vulnerable, people over the age of 65, essential workers and incarcerated people. General population will be last, likely not expected to see widespread availability until well into next year.

Pfizer-BioNTech announced earlier this month that their initial vaccination trials were 90% effective. Though they were the first to announce, more are expected to follow soon. Drugmaker Moderna announced Monday that its early trials were 94% effective.

No vaccination has been approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration yet, but officials anticipate final stage clinical trials, and subsequent emergency-use approval, by year-end for high-priority patients. Widespread availability would likely not be seen until next spring.

Both Pfizer and Moderna’s vaccinations require ultra-cold storage and need freezers that can store more than 1,000 doses at below-zero degrees — Pfizer’s at -94 degrees and Moderna at -4. Meeting the strict storage requirements requires states to plan ahead for not only a new vaccine, but also a new distribution model.

Mississippi health officials say they are working through logistics to ensure the cold-chain storage can be executed, but they also say there’s just not enough money.

“We’ve gotten minimal (federal) financial support for personnel to pull this off,” Dr. Thomas Dobbs, state health officer, told a local town hall last week. “For us to be successful in this vaccination, additional money to pull it off and ongoing National Guard support are the critical elements.”

The National Guard has assisted statewide in early testing efforts, and the state plans to replicate the drive-thru testing models for widespread vaccination distribution to enforce social distancing, according to initial state plans. Extra public health practitioners are needed to help distribute, track, coordinate and promote vaccination efforts. The state health department has been knee-capped by years of budget cuts that have netted flat state cash flow since 2010, severely hindering their ability to fight — much less get in front of — the pandemic. 

Dobbs separately expanded on the financial shortfalls, telling the New York Times, “We absolutely do not have enough to pull this off successfully. This is going to be a phenomenal logistical feat, to vaccinate everybody in the country. We absolutely have zero margin for failure. We really have to get this right.”

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention sent Mississippi  $1,511,866 for COVID-19 vaccination preparation as part of $200 million it sent to states — a far cry from the $8 billion requested of Congress by state health departments. Further funding discussions have been caught up in the deadlock in Congress over additional COVID-19 relief funding. 

In the official COVID-19 plan sent to the CDC last month, the Mississippi State Department of Health outlined a “closed point of dispensing” plan for first and second phase distribution.

This means MSDH will order the vaccinations for providers across the state, but the shipments will go straight to the clinics where they’ll be distributed. MSDH says it’ll partner with community clinics, colleges and hospitals to reach first-priority populations, but many of these clinics tend to be under-funded and especially strapped for cash this year.

To be able to directly receive the vaccination, clinics will need to have ultra cold freezer capabilities to meet the cold-chain requirements for the Pfizer vaccination storage — with minimum orders of 1,000. That means any distribution points will be responsible for directly receiving large shipments needing to be stored at ultra-cold temperatures for an undetermined amount of time.

MSDH also tells providers that they don’t need to buy special freezers to store the vaccinations.

“Most providers will be unable to store vaccines at this temperature range in their current vaccine storage units. Vaccines that require storage at ultra-cold temperatures will be shipped in containers that can be replenished with dry ice once received. It is not required to purchase ultra-cold vaccine storage units,” reads guidance to providers. But goes on to add that providers themselves, not necessarily facilitated by the health department, must comply with CDC cold-chain requirements.

Following first-priority vaccinations and moving into wider distribution, MSDH will rely on “open point of dispensing.”

“MSDH plans to conduct drive-through vaccination sites to assist with social distancing, as well as expand partnerships with community clinics and pharmacies.”

This method will be set up to mimic the state’s drive-thru COVID-19 testing sites that are currently being held statewide at satellite locations and county health departments. MSDH says this model can manage 500 people per day.

MSDH has allotted the following phases and doses for vaccination distribution:

• Phase 1a: Front-line health care workers, including first responders, pharmacists and the national guard (90,000 doses estimated)
• Phase 1b: long-term and home care residents and staff (55,000 doses)
• Phase 2: those over the age of 65; essential workers, including workers in: education, public health, dentistry, funeral homes, transportation, postal workers, grocery stores, meat packing; homeless people; people with obesity, heart disease, CPOD, diabetes, chronic kidney disease, asthma; and people incarcerated in prisons and jails (2.7 million)
• Phase 3: general public (200,000 doses)

Due to a high rate of people with co-morbidities in Mississippi, the second phase is actually the largest.

The CDC partnered with CVS and Walgreens to handle all vaccinations for long-term care residents who will directly coordinate with the pharmacies for distribution, so MSDH’s role will be limited once the vaccinations have been ordered.

Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians, who have been devastated by the coronavirus, will coordinate with Indian Health Services, not the state health department, to distribute vaccinations, according to MSDH spokesperson.

University of Mississippi Medical Center recently announced that they are in the beginning stages of local vaccination trials.

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State of Mississippi Judiciary

Mississippi Supreme Court

The Mississippi Supreme Court will be the tiebreaker in a dispute between members of the Legislature and Gov. Tate Reeves on whether the governor’s partial veto of a bill providing funds to health care providers to combat COVID-19 was constitutional.

Before breaking that all-important tie, it might behoove the Supreme Court justices to gather all the facts — facts they did not seem to have during last week’s oral arguments.

Mississippi’s 1890 Constitution gives the governor partial veto authority, but court rulings through the years have dramatically limited that authority. When Reeves partially vetoed the bill providing funds to health care providers, his fellow Republicans, House Speaker Philip Gunn and House Pro Tem Jason White, filed a lawsuit alleging the governor exceeded his authority. A lower court in Hinds County agreed with the House leaders. Reeves appealed that ruling to the Supreme Court.

While the issues surrounding the extent of the governor’s partial veto authority could be viewed as tedious or ho-hum, the case could be critical. If Reeves prevails, it could potentially increase the governor’s influence in the budgeting process.

Three cases decided by the Supreme Court — one in the 1890s, then in the 1990s and finally in the 2000s — are cited as defining that partial veto authority. They were discussed many times during oral arguments, but some of the justices had a surprising lack of knowledge about the cases even as they cited them to make their points. Most likely by the time they rule, their knowledge of the cases will be stronger, but in some noticeable instances, that was not the case during oral arguments last week.

For instance, Justices Josiah Coleman and James Maxwell both said that a key issue is that in the previous cases, the partial vetoes were issued after the Legislature adjourned for the year so legislators did not have an option to try to override them. Reeves’ partial veto in question occurred while legislators were in session, so they had the opportunity to override it without turning to the courts, Coleman and Maxwell said during oral arguments. By not trying to override, legislators waived their ability to file a lawsuit.

“This situation here is different… by the fact that the legislative session had not adjourned sine die at the time the governor executed his partial veto,” Maxwell said. “You see in those other three cases, the legislative session had adjourned. The governor had after the fact executed his veto, and the Legislature could not take this constitutional action (to override the veto).”

“That is a pretty serious distinction,” Maxwell said.

Andy Taggart, the attorney representing Gunn and White, pointed out that even if a veto is issued after the session ends, the Legislature has the option to override when the new session begins the following year.

But what Taggart did not point out is that Maxwell, and later Coleman, misstated facts. In one of the three pivotal cases, then-Gov. Ronnie Musgrove issued a partial veto of the budget bill for the Department of Corrections in an attempt to block funding to private prisons.

When Musgrove issued the veto, the Legislature was in session just as it was when Reeves filed his partial veto this year. In 2002, legislators got an official opinion from then-Attorney General Mike Moore saying the veto was void because it was unconstitutional.

Legislators never addressed the Musgrove veto because they said it was void, just as current members did not take up the Reeves veto. On the legislative website, it shows the 2002 partial veto was “void, per AG’s opinion.”

Later, a private prison company filed a lawsuit against Musgrove. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of the company years after Musgrove had left office.

Chief Justice Michael Randolph also misstated some facts. He said in the three cases, parties that would be impacted by the partial vetoes filed the lawsuit, such as the private prisons. But in the 1990s, when Republican Gov. Kirk Fordice partially vetoed 27 appropriations bills, it was solely legislators, including current Sen. Hob Bryan, D-Amory, who filed the lawsuit, not the entities impacted by the veto.

In addition, Randolph claimed the bills Fordice partially vetoed were bills authorizing the sale of bonds to raise money for the state to pay for projects. Two were bond or revenue bills, while 27 were appropriations bills. This is important because the state Constitution does not give the governor partial veto authority of bond bills.

As stated, the Constitution does give the governor partial veto of the appropriations bills, though based on more than 120 years of court rulings, that authority is limited.

Perhaps the current court will expand that authority. It surely has that right. But it should do so based on the facts.

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Nancy New, scheduled to stand trial on April 5, told reporters she was directed to make payments to the founder of the drug company Prevacus. (Sarah Warnock/The Clarion-Ledger via AP)

Editor’s note: This investigation is the result of a collaboration between Mississippi Today and the Clarion Ledger. Anna Wolfe reported for Mississippi Today, and Giacomo Bologna reported for the Clarion Ledger.

Reporting by Mississippi Today and the Clarion Ledger raises questions about who knew that Mississippi welfare money was allegedly funneled to a biomedical startup company, who incited the deal and who stood to benefit.

When the state auditor held a press conference in February about an investigation into welfare embezzlement, only two people — Nancy New and her son Zach — were indicted for funneling $2 million to a Florida-based concussion drug company.

Now, Nancy New is saying someone else was behind the arrangement.

This story is the latest in an investigative series by Mississippi Today and the Clarion Ledger into a sprawling welfare scandal in which authorities say state officials and contractors illegally or questionably spent millions of dollars meant for poor Mississippians, ensnaring six people with criminal indictments.

Nancy New ran a private organization funded largely by block grants from the state’s welfare agency. Prosecutors say the nonprofit founder and her son committed a crime when they sent more than $2 million to Prevacus and PreSolMD, related companies that state leaders were trying to lure to Mississippi. She and her son Zach New pleaded not guilty.

Nancy New has not spoken publicly since she was indicted in February until reporters from Mississippi Today and Clarion Ledger approached her at her north Jackson home Friday, Nov. 6.

Nancy New, who is scheduled to stand trial on April 5, spoke with reporters for about 40 minutes. She declined to answer most questions. But when asked if she was directed to make payments to the founder of the startup, New responded, “absolutely.”

Nancy New repeatedly acknowledged that someone told her to direct the money for the development of concussion treatment therapies. She would not say who allegedly gave her that directive — or in what form it came.

When pressed on her relationship to the man behind Prevacus and PreSolMD, Florida neuroscientist Jake Vanlandingham, Nancy New responded, “Let me say this, I didn’t know the man.”

Vanlandingham had multiple meetings in Mississippi before Nancy New and her son allegedly sent him welfare money. Mississippi Today and the Clarion Ledger reached out to people who met with or were scheduled to meet with Vanlandingham, including former Gov. Phil Bryant, retired quarterback Brett Favre, the state’s top welfare officer John Davis, and former pro wrestler Teddy DiBiase Jr.

Bryant, Davis and DiBiase told reporters this week they did not instruct Nancy New to give money to Vanlandingham or his companies. Favre and his agent Bus Cook, both of whom are Prevacus investors, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Bryant, Favre and DiBiase have not been charged with any crime related to the welfare scandal. A grand jury indicted Davis on embezzlement charges — separate from the Prevacus payments — after DiBiase’s brother Brett allegedly used welfare money to pay for luxury drug rehab in Malibu. Davis has pleaded not guilty.

Emails show Davis was organizing meetings between Vanlandingham and Nancy New, including one he said Bryant and Favre requested, which was supposed to take place at Nancy New’s office in January of 2019, according to an email calendar Mississippi Today first reported in March.

But DiBiase, who worked closely with Davis, shed light on a separate meeting that took place at Favre’s home in either December 2018 or January 2019 — a meeting never previously published.

It was a pitch meeting, DiBiase said, according to his attorney, Scott Gilbert.

Gilbert said his client recalled meeting with six other people at Favre’s home in south Mississippi: Favre and Cook, Davis, Nancy New, Vanlandingham and a business associate of Vanlandingham.

“It was clear to Teddy (DiBiase) during this meeting that the Prevacus folks were pitching John Davis for state money as funding,” Gilbert said in a written statement. “This wasn’t an open forum where they were pitching to a bunch of potential investors. Had John Davis as executive director of DHS not attended, Teddy doesn’t think there would have been a meeting at all.”

At or around the time of the meeting, Prevacus created an investment pitch document that said the company expected to get $1.95 million from DHS.

This document — newly obtained by the Clarion Ledger and Mississippi Today — makes no mention of Nancy New or the nonprofit she ran at the time, the Mississippi Community Education Center.

In an interview this week, Vanlandingham said he inked a deal with the Mississippi Community Education Center and that he assumed the funds came at least in part from the Mississippi Department of Human Services, considering Davis’ involvement in meetings up to that point. Vanlandingham said the money was supposed to help his company prepare clinical trials of a nasal spray designed to reduce swelling caused by head injuries.

In his mind, Vanlandingham said, the nonprofit and Mississippi state government were essentially synonymous, and Davis, the state official, appeared to be Nancy New’s boss. 

That’s why he continued to list the state welfare agency as a possible future funding source in an additional pitch that Clarion Ledger first reported in April.

But in the May audit report, the state auditor said that the agreement with Prevacus was actually entered into by Nancy and Zach New in their individual capacities — a key distinction that bolsters the auditor’s allegation that the News actually stole the funds. 

Vanlandingham would not share the contract, and the auditor’s office maintains it is confidential as part of an ongoing criminal investigation. 

The scientist said when he discussed Prevacus with Bryant, conversations centered around how the state could partner with the company to relocate and manufacture its concussion drug at Tradition, a new medical complex on the Gulf Coast. The company organized a dinner with Bryant in December 2018, a month before the allegedly illegal payments began flowing to Prevacus.

Bryant previously said recruiting health care companies such as Prevacus was a key part of his administration’s economic development strategy. He has called Prevacus “a good prospect,” but has repeatedly emphasized he never instructed anyone to give welfare money to the company.

“In order to provide total clarity to ongoing and future media reports, as governor of the State of Mississippi neither I, nor any member of my immediate staff, directed, instructed or ordered the spending of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) funding through the Department of Human Services,” Bryant said in a written statement this week.

Bryant appointed Davis to head the Human Services agency in 2016. It was under Davis’ tenure that the agency misspent tens of millions of welfare dollars, according to this year’s annual state audit. At times, the director allegedly had unilateral control of awarding federal grants that flowed through his agency. 

While the state audit questions $94 million in agency spending — such as on luxury vehicles, lobbying for other private companies and celebrity contracts for services that were never performed — only a fraction of this questioned spending has resulted in criminal charges. 

The alleged payments of $2.15 million in welfare dollars to concussion research firm Prevacus and its affiliate PreSolMD represent the largest alleged theft in the indictments, payments that continued through October 2019, after Davis left office.

Because the state has such wide latitude to spend federal welfare grants how it wants, many seemingly inappropriate purchases may not be illegal.

New told Mississippi Today and Clarion Ledger she’s been advised not to speak publicly or release new information about the case until the Mississippi Department of Human Services has completed a forensic audit of the agency and nonprofit’s spending during Davis’ administration. 

New leadership at DHS recently ordered a forensic audit of spending under Davis, which will produce a more detailed accounting of agency misspending and is expected to be completed in May.

New said she believes the forensic audit will significantly contradict the narrative of the 104-page state audit.

“I just have to say that I think there’s a lot more information to come and we’re just waiting our turn,” New said.

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READ: With Mississippi hospitals under ‘extreme stress,’ Gov. Tate Reeves rejects idea of lockdown

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Mississippi has the most COVID-19 cases per capita among nursing home residents in the U.S. As cases surge across the state, nearing peak levels seen over the summer, outbreaks in long-term care facilities have increased by nearly 25% over the last week alone. 

Currently, 140 facilities have outbreaks — defined as a single case among residents and two or more cases among staff over the last two weeks — up from 113 a week ago, comprising 147 more cases and 22 deaths in one week’s time. With only 211 facilities in the state, over two-thirds currently have active cases.

Nationally, Mississippi has the most cumulative cases per 1,000 residents since the pandemic began, at 407 per capita, according to data collected by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid that regulates nursing homes. Other southern states follow closely: Alabama (404), Arkansas (395) and South Carolina (392). 

Too, Mississippi has the fifth highest death rate among nursing homes, with 83 residents dying from COVID-19 out of every 1,000. New Jersey has the most at 120 deaths per capita. 

Overall, almost half of all long-term care residents have contracted the coronavirus — 7,131 cases out of just over 16,000 total residents — and 20% of those who contract the virus in a nursing home die.

In September, the Mississippi State Department of Health stopped reporting nursing home outbreaks by facility and began relying on Medicare data to track nursing home outbreaks. In June, the state health department began listing facility names after a court order.

The state cited duplicate reporting as the reason for the switch to relying on Medicare facility data, but still tracks active and cumulative outbreaks by county. 

But some nursing homes aren’t reliably submitting their data to Medicare. 

As of Thursday’s nationwide reporting, 10 Mississippi nursing homes didn’t submit data at all. Of the 194 who did submit data, Medicare flagged nine as not passing “quality assurance,” meaning their data could be unreliable due to incorrect reporting. 

Including those who don’t report or do so incorrectly, nearly 10% of Mississippi’s nursing home COVID-19 data is unreliable, so the true rate of cases among residents is unknown. 

Two 60-bed facilities in the Pine Belt — which saw early broad community spread, but has flattened virus spread over time — have seen the highest rate of nursing home cases in the state. Due to a high rate of deaths, both facilities have had more cases than they currently have residents — both currently have 39 residents.

Laurelwood Community Living Center has seen the most cases per capita across the pandemic, at 1,846 cases per 1,000 residents, or an 185% infection rate. The proportion of cases is larger than 100% because more people have contracted the virus and died from it than the total number of current residents. 

Of those who contract the virus in the Laurel facility, 40% have died. In total 72 residents and 17 staff members have tested positive for the virus, and 38 have died.

Leakesville Rehabilitation and Nursing Center in Greene County has had 59 total cases among residents and 39 staff cases, comprising 1,512 cases for every 1,000 residents and a death rate of 29%. Both the Greene and Jones County facilities report conducting asymptomatic tests for staff and residents as a way of checking facility-wide exposure, which could inflate numbers by catching more asymptomatic cases. 

The facilities are two of 12 in Mississippi that have had a cumulative infection rate of more than 100%, meaning their case total is more than their current resident census due to residents leaving the facility or dying. 

Neither facility reported new cases to Medicare since November. The Laurel facility said through a spokesperson that the nursing home is currently “COVID free” and provided the following statement: “Taking care of people in their time of need is what we do. Since the very beginning of COVID this is what we have planned for and are meeting the challenge. Once a COVID “outbreak” occurs we put in controlled checkpoints for all employee shifts and visitors are maintained. Then we have isolation areas for the patient along with any additional cases that may ensue. Team member (sic) that are positive are sent home to quarantine and follow the CDC guidelines. Our team has a COVID plan in working closely with our suppliers and state and local agencies to maintain sufficient PPE, supplies, and equipment.”

The Leaksville facility did not respond to request for comment. 

Of the ten Mississippi facilities with the most cases per capita, seven are for-profit owned and all have been cited for deficiencies by Medicare — eight for improper infection control before the pandemic began, according to nursing home inspection data. For-profit nursing homes have had twice as many COVID-19 cases and three times the deaths compared to government or non-profit facilities, according to analysis by the Mississippi Center for Investigative Reporting.

Many Mississippi nursing homes report resource shortages, but notably not when it comes to testing. Just five nursing homes reported being unable to adequately test residents. Even so, fewer than a quarter of facilities reported testing all staff and residents after a new case, despite the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommending such testing.

Just 80 facilities, a little over a third, test residents without exposure, known as surveillance testing — widely regarded as the most effective way to judge actual case burden and isolate spread. In May, the state health department tested all nursing home staff and residents, successfully thwarting off worsening spread among facilities at the time.

Afterward though, many facilities started to open back up as outbreaks remained relatively stable over early summer. But as community spread worsened over the summer, nursing home cases followed suit. By late July when the state saw it’s daily case peak, 95% of the state’s facilities had concurrent outbreaks. 

Despite the growing cases and efficacy of surveillance testing, only two-thirds of facilities test asymptomatic staff for surveillance of disease spread. 

A quarter of nursing homes reported shortages in nurses and 10% don’t have a week’s worth of N-95 masks, the gold standard for medical use. Both shortages point to long-standing resource strains that hamper nursing home’s ability to fight the virus in their facilities. 

More than half of nursing homes across the nation are currently losing money, according to the American Health Care Association. The national lobbying group for nursing homes has ebbed and flowed in their messaging on the issue, changing their tone from stark cries for help early on to over the summer focusing on steps to safely re-open facilities to visitors over the summer.

Now, the group says widespread community spread — particular across the South and Midwest — is driving nursing homes into a third wave of infections. Nursing homes are asking to be among first-priority for COVID-19 vaccinations when they’re available — something Mississippi says it will accommodate, after front-line healthcare workers. CVS and Walgreens will partner with facilities for distribution, but further details have not yet been released.

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