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Nearly five years after a pipeline spewed poison gas across a Mississippi town, federal regulators appeared ready in recent weeks to institute new safety rules aimed at preventing similar accidents across the U.S.’s fast-growing network of carbon dioxide (CO2) pipelines. 

But the proposed rules, unveiled five days before the end of Joe Biden’s presidency, were quietly derailed during the first weeks of President Donald Trump’s second term. 

A federal pipeline safety official not authorized to speak publicly said the proposed rules were “withdrawn” in accordance with a Jan. 20 executive order that freezes all pending regulations and initiates a review process by Trump’s newly appointed agency leaders. Putting the pipeline rules in further doubt is a Feb. 19 executive order aimed at rooting out all regulations that are costly to “private parties” and impede economic development. 

Trump’s choice to lead the Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration, which proposed the rules, is Paul Roberti, an attorney strongly backed by pipeline and energy industry groups. Roberti, who is awaiting U.S. Senate confirmation, oversaw PHMSA’s safety enforcement during Trump’s first term, a time marked by fewer citations and smaller fines than the Obama and Biden administrations. 

Pipeline safety advocates still hope to push the Trump administration to approve the rules, which they say are critically important for reducing the risks of potentially deadly accidents across a growing number of states. 

“It’s not dead yet,” said Paul Blackburn, an energy policy advisor for the Bold Alliance, an environmental group that tracks pipeline development. “It can be brought back by Trump, and I think the Trump administration should be pressured to do that.”

The more than 5,000 miles of CO2 pipelines in the U.S. are primarily used for enhanced oil recovery, a process that injects carbon dioxide into old oil reserves to squeeze out leftover deposits. Much of the current and predicted growth of the CO2 pipeline network is linked to the recent boom in carbon capture technologies, which allow industrial plants to store CO2 underground instead of releasing it into the air. 

The CO2 pipeline network could top 66,000 miles – a thirteenfold increase – by 2050, according to a Princeton University-led study. 

The Trump administration isn’t as supportive of carbon capture, but industry experts say growth will continue as companies try to meet state-level climate benchmarks. 

While proponents say carbon capture will help address climate change, transporting pressurized CO2 comes with dangers, especially for rural stretches of the Midwest and Gulf Coast, where the network is concentrated. 

CO2 can cause drowsiness, suffocation and sometimes death. Colorless, odorless, and heavier than air, carbon dioxide can travel undetected and at lethal concentrations over large distances. 

The proposed rules would establish the first design, installation and maintenance requirements for CO2 pipelines. Companies operating pipelines would need to provide training to local police and fire departments on how to respond to CO2 leaks, and emergency communication with the public would need to be improved. 

Operators would be required to plan for gas releases that could harm people within two miles of a pipeline. The proposed rules show that PHMSA finally recognizes that the threats from CO2 pipelines are different from oil and natural gas pipelines, which can spill, burn or explode, but don’t usually imperil people miles away, said Bill Caram, executive director of the Pipeline Safety Trust, a nonprofit watchdog group.

“These are relatively strong proposals,” he said. “Would these rules make CO2 pipelines completely safe? No. But it would modernize the pipelines.”

PHMSA currently has no specific standards for transporting CO2. Rules governing the CO2 pipeline network haven’t undergone significant review since 1991, according to the trust. 

The proposed rules apply “lessons learned” from a 2020 pipeline rupture in Sataria, Miss., PHMSA officials said in an announcement on Jan. 15. 

The rupture in the small community 30 miles northwest of Jackson forced about 200 Satartia residents to evacuate. Emergency responders found people passed out, disoriented and struggling to breathe. At least 45 people were treated at nearby hospitals. 

“I have learned first-hand from affected communities in Mississippi and across America why we need stronger CO2 pipeline safety standards,” then-PHMSA Deputy Administrator Tristan Brown, a Biden appointee, said in a statement on Jan. 15. “These new requirements will be the strongest, most comprehensive standards for carbon dioxide transportation in the world and will set our nation on a safer path as we continue to address climate challenges.”

Accidental releases have occurred from CO2 pipelines 76 times since 2010, according to PHMSA data reviewed by Verite News. Of the more than 67,000 barrels of CO2 released over the past 15 years, the vast majority – about 54,000 barrels – came from pipelines owned by ExxonMobil subsidiary Denbury Inc. 

Denbury operates the 925-mile pipeline network that failed in Satartia and more recently in southwest Louisiana. In April, a pipeline at a Denbury pump station near the Calcasieu Parish town of Sulphur ruptured, triggering road closures and a shelter-in-place advisory. Some residents reported feeling tired and light-headed, but local authorities reported no serious illnesses. 

The pump station and pipeline weren’t equipped with alarms or other methods of alerting nearby residents when accidents occur. 

Several Sulphur-area residents said they received no notice of the leak or became aware of it via Facebook posts more than an hour after the gas began to spread. 

“There should have been alarms, and the whole community should have been notified,” Roishetta Ozane, a community organizer who lives near the station, told Verite in April. “I don’t trust the system we have at all.”

Unless the proposed rules are enacted, similar or worse accidents are likely, said Kenneth Clarkson, the trust’s communications director. 

“In the absence of a rule, blatant regulatory shortfalls will remain, leaving the public fully exposed to the risks of CO2 pipelines,” he said. 

The post Trump withdraws new pipeline rules inspired by CO2 leaks in Mississippi, Louisiana appeared first on Mississippi Today.

Jacksonians hoping for a conclusion to the corruption allegations against the capital city’s mayor, a councilman, and the county’s district attorney will have to wait until at least summer 2026.

U.S. District Judge Daniel Jordan on Friday morning set the trial, which is expected to last six weeks, for July 13, 2026, during a status conference held at the Thad Cochran United States Courthouse in downtown Jackson.

“When I set this, that’s going to be the date. Someone’s going to be in the hospital for us to move it,” Jordan said.

A federal grand jury indicted Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba, Hinds County District Attorney Jody Owens and Jackson City Councilman Aaron Banks last fall in a bribery scheme after concocting a sting involving undercover FBI agents posing as real estate developers. All three officials pleaded not guilty. The conference Friday was the first public hearing in the case since the November arraignment.

Prosecutors wanted a trial in early 2026. Defense attorneys wanted a trial in September or October of 2026. The judge split the difference.

“The right to a speedy trial is also a public right,” Jordan said.

The judge has some experience overseeing court spectacles involving Jackson mayors. Jordan presided over the 2009 felony civil rights trial against former Jackson Mayor Frank Melton, a case he referenced several times Friday. When the U.S. Department of Justice trial lawyer Nicholas Cannon said he thought they might need one to two days to select a jury, Jordan informed the prosecutor that it took a week for parties in the Melton case to compile a jury.

“Ninety percent had seen about the case in the news,” Jordan said. “I suspect it’s going to be at least that here given the changes in how cases like this are covered, social media and whatnot. I would be shocked if we picked a jury in a day or two. I think a week would actually be doing pretty well.”

Lumumba is still running for reelection this year and will face 11 challengers in the Democratic Party primary for mayor April 1. Banks is not running for reelection, leaving the position open to one of nine candidates running in the Democratic primary. Owens has said he will not step down as district attorney and he does not face an election until 2027.

None of the politicians were present inside the courtroom Friday morning as defense counsel and prosecutors discussed the process for sharing large volumes of evidence in the case and hashed out a series of dates and deadlines leading up to the trial.

The 32-page indictment unsealed in November told a detailed story about how federal agents pretending to be high-rolling developers flattered Owens, allegedly enticing the district attorney to schmooze Lumumba and Banks on behalf of their proposal to build a long-awaited convention center hotel downtown. Owens allegedly helped the fictitious investors bribe Lumumba with $50,000 in campaign contributions and Banks with $10,000 in cash in exchange for favors — a solicitation due date change from the mayor and the promise of a future vote from the councilman.

The lengthy charging papers contained many salacious quotes from Owens gathered through secretly recorded conversations and photos of Owens handling cash and sitting with Lumumba on a yacht in Florida.

The evidence compiled by the federal government and turned over to defense counsel includes 44,000 pages of records and 500 hours of audio recording, Banks’ lawyer Carlos Tanner revealed during the status conference.

Tanner said Friday the evidence he’s received extends far beyond the allegations made in the indictment, referencing “multiple investigations and spinoffs and such.”

“From the looks of the indictment, you’re talking about a two to three month window,” Tanner said. “… The discovery goes back two to three years.”

The defense teams are still waiting to receive transcripts of the recordings and data from the cellphones of their co-defendants.

In court, this material is called discovery, and defendants are entitled to review it entirely to prepare their defense, which is why trial dates often get pushed back.

The trial was originally set for Jan. 6 — a date that was as uncanny as unlikely. Within a couple weeks, all parties agreed that the case is complex and that defendants would need much longer to review the discovery, according to a joint motion to continue the case.

“There are three Defendants; the nature of the prosecution includes charges that typically require extensive proof (for example money laundering and racketeering); and the discovery apparently includes hundreds of hours of recordings and thousands of pages of other evidence that must be thoroughly reviewed to properly prepare for trial,” reads Judge Jordan’s November order to continue the case.

Jordan directed the parties to confer and offer three potential trial dates by mid-December. They did not agree on dates, with the government proposing to try the case in early 2026 and the defendants proposing dates four to six months later. But by this point, defendants had not yet received discovery from the government. “Defense lawyers were operating ‘in the blind,’” Banks’ lawyer Carlos Tanner wrote in his January motion.

“Even the ‘speaking’ indictment in this case does not fully reflect the length of time the Government began its investigation nor the full extent of its investigative activities,” Tanner wrote in the January motion. “Until I started skimming the materials in an effort to organize the documents and other evidence the Government had provided me, I was not aware of the vast number of people and entities referenced in these materials.”

In February, U.S. Magistrate Judge Lakeysha Greer Isaac signed a protective order requested by the government that prohibits the dissemination of any discovery materials beyond the parties, legal staff, witnesses or experts in the case. The order also encourages attorneys, when necessary, to file any sensitive information attached to pretrial motions under seal.

Tanner said Friday that after reviewing the initial discovery, defense counsel wanted a later trial date in September or October of 2026, but Jordan, citing the public’s right to a speedy trial, settled on July.

Defense teams and prosecutors will meet separately again before June 26 to go over any questions about discovery. Jordan set the next status conference for Oct. 1. Parties will have a Feb. 6, 2026, deadline for dispositive motions — that is, filings to settle the case without going to trial — and a May 29, 2026, deadline for any plea change.

Lumumba was indicted on one count each of conspiracy, bribery, racketeering, wire fraud and money laundering. Owens was charged with the same, plus two additional counts of bribery and making false statements to the government. Banks was charged with conspiracy and bribery. If convicted, the most serious charges of racketeering, wire fraud and money laundering come with prison sentences of up to 20 years each, while bribery carries 10 years, conspiracy 5 years and making false statements 5 years.

The FBI sting in Jackson ensnared two other alleged co-conspirators, former Councilwoman Angelique Lee and Owens’ business associate and cousin Sherik “Marve” Smith, who both pleaded guilty to conspiracy to commit bribery last year. They have not been sentenced.

Lumumba is represented by Jackson attorney Thomas Bellinder and Detroit attorneys Gerald Evelyn and Jeffrey Edison. A fourth attorney, Winston Thompson from Jackson, withdrew from Lumumba’s defense in February.

Owens is represented by local attorneys Gerry Bufkin, Rob McDuff and D.C.-based attorney Gary Kohlman. Banks is represented by local attorneys Tanner and Tom Rich.

Prosecuting the case are local assistant U.S. Attorneys Charles Kirkham and Kimberly Purdie and from D.C., U.S. Department of Justice Public Integrity Section trial lawyers Cannon and Madison Mumma.

The post Federal trial in Jackson corruption case set for summer 2026 appeared first on Mississippi Today.

JXN Water is losing money at a rate it can’t sustain, according to a financial outlook it released last week, as the federal dollars it received to run day-to-day operations are set to run out next month.

Ted Henifin, who manages the third-party provider, told Mississippi Today on Thursday that the funding shortfall may extend repair times for line breaks, and that the utility will look to once again raise rates on customers’ water bills. Henifin explained that various factors — such as debt payments, higher-than-expected operating costs, and slower-than-expected collections gains — have left the water utility in a precarious position where it’s now losing $3 million a month.

“Gone from a water disaster to a bit of financial disaster or so,” Henifin described.

The federal government set aside a historic $800 million for Jackson to fix its water and sewer systems in 2022, with $600 million of that tied specifically to the water system. That included $150 million of “flexible” funding, which JXN Water has used mostly for line repairs as well as on a contract with Jacobs to run the day-to-day operations of the system. The rest of the $600 million was intended for bigger, capital projects.

But the $150 million, Henifin said, is on track to run out in April. He said JXN Water will look for grants and low-interest loans to hold its operations together, as well as work with Congress to free up some of the $450 million — the amount intended for larger projects — for operations spending.

The water provider is also set to impose an almost 12% rate increase on customers’ water bills this spring — just under $9 per month for the average resident — the second rate hike in as many years (the utility a year ago raised rates on average $10 per month). While the 2022 federal order requires it to put rate increases before the Jackson City Council, JXN Water only needs the approval of overseeing U.S. District Judge Henry Wingate.

In addition to higher-than-expected operating costs, such as fixing line breaks, Henifin said the utility was also unsuccessful in retiring some of the city’s debt due to federal constraints over how it spends the $450 million pot. As a result, JXN Water is paying $1.5 million a month, or half of its total losses, in debt services.

Meanwhile, the utility’s revenue collection rate of 70% is an improvement from a year ago, when it was under 60%, but it’s still far below the national average. Last year, Henifin told Mississippi Today in order to make the water system self-sustainable by the time federal funding runs out, the rate needs to reach 80% in 2025 and 90% in 2026. The financial report says there are 14,000 accounts that receive water but aren’t paying bills.

Henifin admitted on Thursday, though, that even if collection rates were at 100%, JXN Water would still be losing money.

“It’s really the running out of the federal funds and not having closed that gap on local revenues,” he said. “Error on our part maybe that we didn’t focus on this earlier, but we were really trying to get the water system working.”

Last week’s financial plan added that a decision from the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals over whether to release SNAP recipient data is expected within the next two months. JXN Water last year introduced a first-of-its-kind discount for SNAP recipients, but both federal and state officials appealed an order from Wingate to release the names of those recipients, preventing the utility from automatically applying those discounts.

To help free up funding for the utility, Rep. Chris Bell, D-Jackson, wrote a bill which would allow JXN Water to become a water authority for the purpose of accessing tax-exempt bonds or loans. The bill now just needs to pass a floor vote in the Senate.

Henifin added that, after some initial uncertainty, JXN Water’s current funding won’t be impacted by the Trump administration’s recent freezing of federal grant funds.

He also said the funds they do have access to are being used to make major improvements, such as fixing the membrane trains, filters and sediment basins at the O.B. Curtis treatment plant.

“I think it’s a pretty bright future,” Henifin said. “If we can just get over this little cashflow hump we’re in good shape.”

The post JXN Water is running out of operating money, set to raise rates again appeared first on Mississippi Today.

Editor’s note: This column is part of Mississippi Today Ideas, a new platform for thoughtful Mississippians to share fact-based ideas about our state’s past, present and future. You can read more about the section here. 

Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives address systemic advantages historically accumulated by white individuals, often at the expense of marginalized communities.

Although these programs benefit various underrepresented groups — including women, individuals with disabilities and military veterans — public discourse frequently characterizes DEI primarily as a “Black issue.” This narrow framing is comparable to how social welfare programs are commonly portrayed, with Black Americans disproportionately depicted as their primary beneficiaries despite evidence to the contrary.

For those shielded from these realities, ignorance can be a privilege — one that DEI disrupts by fostering awareness of uncomfortable truths. For example, one luxury is dismissing DEI as simply an unearned liberal policy. A key component of DEI is training that exposes individuals to different cultures, histories and lived experiences. Understanding these perspectives helps dismantle biases and fosters inclusivity in workplaces, education and public policy. As a resident of Mississippi, a state with a complex racial history and a population consisting primarily of Blacks and Whites, I focus here on how these dynamics have shaped inequalities from a Black/White dynamic.

People often react defensively to discussions of racism, shutting down meaningful dialogue. But structural racism is not about individual prejudice — it’s about the laws, policies and systems that have historically advantaged White people while disadvantaging Black and other marginalized groups. These systems shape access to education, housing, economic opportunities and political representation. DEI is not about blaming individuals but about understanding and addressing the deeply rooted systems that perpetuate inequality.

White unearned advantage: the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow

While some argue that the abolition of slavery over 150 years ago should absolve current generations from addressing racial inequities (“Blacks should get over it”), this perspective overlooks how advantages gained during slavery were systematically preserved through legal frameworks.

In Mississippi, the transition from slavery did not lead to equality. The Mississippi Plan of 1875 effectively ended Reconstruction through organized terrorism, including lynchings and widespread election fraud. This campaign of violence paved the way for the Mississippi Constitution of 1890, which legally codified Black disenfranchisement through mechanisms like literacy tests and poll taxes.

These barriers were particularly insurmountable for Black citizens: literacy tests presented an almost impossible challenge for those who had been legally denied education under slavery, while poll taxes effectively excluded those who had been systematically prevented from accumulating wealth or accessing economic opportunities.

The effectiveness of these measures was striking. By 1964, only 6.7 percent of Black Mississippians were registered to vote, despite comprising a significant portion of the state’s population.

Far from being distant history, these deliberate policies created intergenerational advantages for Whites as it relates to economic opportunity, political representation and social mobility that continue to shape Mississippi’s racial landscape today. The effects of these systematic exclusions did not simply disappear with time but rather compounded over generations, creating disparities that persist in modern society.

Internalized oppression: When historical unawareness perpetuates inequality

The sanitization of history extends beyond its effects on White Americans, creating equally devastating consequences for Black individuals denied knowledge of their own heritage. When educational systems omit or minimize historical truths, Black Americans can develop a form of historical disconnect that leaves them unaware of their past and its impact on their present.

Perhaps most troublingly, this historical unawareness can manifest even among Black individuals in positions of authority. Leaders who haven’t been educated about the historical mechanisms of white supremacy may unwittingly implement policies or practices that discriminate against fellow Black community members, thereby perpetuating cycles of inequality within their own communities.

Educational disparities: funding and economic inequality

In the 1940s, White communities had access to better-funded schools, often subsidized by Black taxpayers. While Black citizens paid taxes that funded White schools, their own schools remained severely underfunded. In 1940, the state spent $133 per year to educate a White student, compared to just $33 per year for a Black student. This systemic inequity reinforced racial disparities that persist today.

A clear example of these funding disparities can be seen in Mississippi’s land-grant universities. Alcorn State University, an historically Black university and the state’s first land-grant institution, was established before Mississippi State University. In 1878, Alcorn was set to receive 60% of the state’s land-grant funding, but within a few years, its funding was drastically reduced — from $50,000 to $15,000, and eventually to just $5,000. Over the past 30 years, Alcorn has been underfunded by $257 million. In a zero-sum game, the decrease in funding for Alcorn leads to an increase in funding for Mississippi State.

These funding disparities affected educational opportunities and career trajectories. One Alcorn student highlighted the stark differences, explaining that their agricultural curriculum focused on small-scale, family farming of crops like greens, peas and okra. Meanwhile, students at Mississippi State University were trained in large-scale, commercial agriculture, cultivating high-profit crops such as cotton, corn and soybeans.

This divide has direct economic consequences. While Mississippi State graduates are positioned for lucrative careers in large-scale commercial agriculture, Alcorn State graduates are often limited to smaller-scale, lower-income farming opportunities. This disparity in educational investment has reinforced racial economic inequality, shaping access to wealth-generating careers for Whites, thereby deepening the racial wealth gap in Mississippi’s agricultural sector and broader economy.

The Mississippi Delta: A case study in economic neglect

One of the clearest examples of structural racism is found in the Mississippi Delta, where persistent Black poverty is directly tied to the legacy of slavery. This region had the highest concentration of enslaved Black people, yet there has never been any meaningful economic development to create sustainable industries or wealth.  The impact of this neglect is still evident today, as parts of the Mississippi Delta remain among the poorest areas in the world, a direct consequence of slavery and the policies that followed. Overall, one can see the impact of structural barriers in Mississippi. 

After slavery ended, White landowners created a system that ensured Black people remained economically dependent. Laws were passed that made it illegal for Black individuals to be unemployed, meaning they could be arrested if they were found without work. Those arrested were then leased out to White businesses and farms — essentially continuing slavery under a different name.

Without job opportunities, people in that region have had to rely on government assistance. Rather than recognizing these conditions as the product of historical exploitation, many reinforce biases that depict Black individuals as lazy or dependent. DEI challenges these false narratives by providing historical context — showing how slavery, segregation and systemic disinvestment created today’s racial wealth gap. Poverty in the Delta is reflected by the state as a whole. The poverty rate for Whites is 11% compared to an alarming 31% for Blacks.

Perceived threat: The browning of America and resistance to DEI

This opposition to DEI is deeply tied to the “browning of America” — the growing demographic shift where Black and Brown populations are increasing. For some Whites, this demographic shift is perceived as a threat, triggering a defensive response to maintain White dominance.

In his seminal 1949 work, Southern Politics in State and Nation, historian V.O. Key observed that in areas with large Black populations, Whites often implemented punitive policies that stifled the social, political and economic advancement of Black communities. This pattern continues today, as opposition to DEI initiatives reflects a broader reluctance to share power and resources with marginalized groups.

Why DEI matters

Some argue that teaching difficult history fosters division, but ignoring these truths only upholds inequality. In the Black-White context in Mississippi, the sanitization of this history maintains White supremacy. DEI ensures accountability, promotes fairness, and dismantles long-standing biases. Without it, structural racism remains hidden, allowing privileged individuals to continue benefiting from an unfair system without acknowledging it.

Eliminating DEI would preserve the luxury of ignorance, enabling those in power to remain comfortably unaware while marginalized communities suffer the consequences. The luxury for Whites, then, is being ignorant comfortably. DEI is not just about education. It’s about justice, equity and ensuring that future generations inherit a society where inclusion is non-negotiable.

For some Whites, luxury then is being ignorant comfortably.

Byron D’Andra Orey is professor of political science at Jackson State University. His research is in the area of race and politics. He currently serves as the president of the Southern Political Science Association and is one of the authors of the forthcoming book, Mississippi Conflict and Change. 

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A new congressional bill aims to improve fisheries and environmental quality in the Mississippi River basin with a federally funded commission.

“This is a bill that’s way past its due,” said U.S. Rep. Troy Carter Sr. D-Louisiana, who is co-sponsoring the Mississippi River Basin Fishery Commission Act of 2025 with U.S. Rep. Mike Ezell R-Mississippi. It was introduced Feb. 24 in the House Committee on Natural Resources. 

The goal is to fund grants for habitat restoration, fisheries research and the mitigation of invasive species. 

It aims to support the growth of the fishing industry throughout the basin, as well as reinforce partnerships between local, state and federal agencies involved in the management of the river and its tributaries. The commission would be federally funded, and draw down on federal dollars to support restoration projects and fisheries management. 

“The Mississippi, a mighty, mighty estuary, is not only a major tool for moving commerce back and forth, but it’s also a place where people make a living, fishing on the river,” Carter said. “This bill endeavors to make sure that we are protecting that asset.”

While commercial fishing has declined in recent decades, and updated research is necessary to establish the exact value of recreational, commercial and subsistence fishing in the Mississippi River, one study valued it as a billion dollar industry.

“The Mississippi River Basin is not just a geographical feature — it’s the backbone of our economy, a provider of jobs, and a sanctuary for our nation’s anglers and wildlife,” Ezell said in a news release. “This commission will ensure we’re taking a proactive approach to conservation, management, and sustainability, securing this resource for generations to come. Healthy fisheries mean a stronger economy and better opportunities for those who depend on the river for their livelihoods. This is about securing our natural resources while supporting hardworking families.” 

The river has long faced challenges, such as industrial and agricultural pollution, habitat destruction and prolific spread of invasive species. Part of the difficulty in addressing these problems comes from the sheer size of the basin, with its geography covering over a third of the continental United States. 

“For decades, states have struggled to find dedicated resources to adequately manage large river species that cross many state, federal, and tribal jurisdictions,” Ben Batten, deputy director of Arkansas Game and Fish Commission and chair of the Mississippi Interstate Cooperative Resource Association, said in a press release. 

Large river species, such as invasive carp, are a problem the new commission would address, building on the work of the interstate cooperative, a multistate, multi-agency organization formed in 1991 that has focused on reducing invasives. The four varieties of carp originating from Asia – silver carp, black carp, grass carp and bighead carp – have spread at alarming rates and harm existing fisheries. 

Communication amongst the numerous jurisdictions in the basin —  states, cities, towns and tribal entities — can be difficult. Collaborative groups encourage more cohesive policy between basin states, such as the Mississippi River Cities and Towns Initiative and the Upper Mississippi River Basin Association, and there have been efforts to pass a river compact. 

The United States and Canada share a partnership through the Great Lakes Fishery Commission. The Mississippi River Basin Fishery Commission would be part of the Department of the Interior, and include other agencies, like the U.S. Geological Survey, Fish and Wildlife Service and Army Corps of Engineers. 

Due in large part to a lack of standardized testing, and often limited resources, health experts and government agencies often offer conflicting advice as to whether fish from the Mississippi River are safe to eat. Fish advisories warning against consumption of fish in one area may not exist in neighboring states, varying from one side of the river to the other. 

The bill authors request $1 million to launch the commission in 2026, then $30 million each year for the following three years

While many fish the Mississippi River for sport rather than to eat, some rely on the river as a source of food. 

General health advice for eating fish caught from the Mississippi does exist, such as throwing back the biggest and fattiest fish, washing them before fileting, and broiling or grilling the catch to avoid certain pollutants. 

Halle Parker and Mississippi Today contributed to this story. This story is a product of the Mississippi River Basin Ag & Water Desk, an independent reporting network based at the University of Missouri in partnership with Report for America, with major funding from the Walton Family Foundation.

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This story was originally reported by Barbara Rodriguez of The 19th. Meet Barbara and read more of their reporting on gender, politics and policy.

A measles outbreak involving more than 150 infected people in Texas has put a spotlight on the role of vaccines in treating preventable diseases — especially as childhood vaccination rates have declined for several years. A school-aged child who was not vaccinated and had no known underlying conditions died from the outbreak, according to Texas health officials.

Parents and caregivers, in particular mothers, make important health decisions for their families.  Though it can impact people of different ages, measles is considered a childhood disease and unvaccinated children under 5 years old are among those who are most at risk for severe illness. Here’s what parents need to know about measles and vaccines.

What is measles? How serious is it?

Measles is a highly contagious airborne disease that spreads when an infected person breathes, coughs or sneezes. If you do not have immune protection from measles and you come into contact with a person who has been infected — or even if you enter a room where an infected person was in the previous two hours — it is highly likely you will get infected.

According to the American Academy of Pediatrics, symptoms for measles include:

• fever
• cough
• runny nose
• red, watery eyes
• a skin rash

Measles can make people very sick: 1 in 20 people get pneumonia; 1 to 3 in 1,000 people get brain swelling (encephalitis); and 1 in 1,000 people die. Children who are infected with measles typically stay home from school. And since symptoms can emerge over several weeks, parents could be out of work for a prolonged period of time to care for their child and keep them in isolation.

The recent death of a child who was infected with measles in Texas is the first measles death in the United States in a decade and the first measles death involving a child since 2003.

How do you prevent measles?

Vaccination is the key to measles prevention. Routine childhood vaccination provides 97 percent protection from measles through the measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) vaccine. Following the childhood vaccination schedule, which is reviewed by multiple medical organizations, helps prevent hospitalization, long-term injuries and death.

Because the disease is so contagious, community protection from measles requires at least 95 percent immunity to prevent outbreaks.

How often do measles outbreaks happen in the United States?

The widespread use of vaccines has meant that measles has not been common in the United States — so much so that it was declared eliminated from the country in 2000.

That has changed as parents increasingly decline to vaccinate their children, with emerging instances of measles outbreaks, which involve three or more cases. In 2019, there was an uptick in measles cases, with a major outbreak reported in New York. In 2023, there were four outbreaks. In 2024, there were 16 outbreaks. Three months into 2025, there have been three outbreaks reported.

Measles still regularly occurs in many parts of the world, said Dr. Lori Handy, associate director of the Vaccine Education Center at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia. There has always been a risk that an unvaccinated child in the United States could be infected with measles from an international traveler who enters the United States. But the risk is greater now amid lower vaccination rates in kindergarten-age children.

“As a parent, it’s important to update that framework — that this is no longer the rare, ‘international traveler brings measles back home to a highly vaccinated country.’ This is now people within our own country have measles, and we have an under-vaccinated population, and so we are likely to see more spread in more regions,” she said.

I am vaccinating my child according to the childhood vaccination schedule. How worried should I be about outbreaks?

It depends on the age of your child and whether they are old enough to get the MMR vaccine. The first dose is administered between 12 and 15 months old and is 93 percent effective against measles. The second dose, which is administered between 4 and 6 years old, can add an additional 4 percent of immunity.

If you and your family are fully vaccinated, you can go about your routine activities, according to Handy. If you are vaccinated but you have a young child who is not old enough to receive an MMR shot, you should make sure that the people around the child are vaccinated. People transmit measles to other people only when they are showing symptoms of the viral infection.

“A fully vaccinated parent has a very, very low risk of getting infected with the measles

virus, and therefore should not be a risk to their infant,” Dr. John Swartzberg, clinical professor emeritus at the UC Berkeley School of Public Health, said in an email.

It is important to be aware of outbreaks in your region. Handy said if you live in an outbreak area, be very cautious about bringing a young child who is not yet vaccinated to crowds — or avoid it if at all possible. If you find out your child has been exposed, immediately call their pediatrician to learn about post-exposure care that can be taken to prevent infection.

At a community level, ensure your friends and family are aware of outbreaks and the importance of vaccination to protect themselves, their children and their community.

Can my child receive an MMR shot early?

Some children who are traveling abroad can get an MMR shot as early as six months old, but it could still require two doses later. Parents should consult their pediatrician.

Handy added that there can be unusual circumstances; she gave the example of a parent with an 11-month-old traveling into a state or region with an outbreak for a social event like a wedding. That child is on the cusp of being old enough to receive the first dose of the MMR vaccine and may be able to get the shot early even though they’re not traveling abroad.

“That’s kind of the one-on-one conversation families will have to have with their care provider,” she said.

Swartzberg said that the most important thing a parent can do is make sure everyone who lives in or visits their home is vaccinated against measles.

“If someone is ill with a respiratory infection in the household, they should wear an N95

mask and stay away from the infant,” he added.

Children who have received their first MMR shot can receive the second as early as 28 days after the first dose, which may be the best option for people who live in or travel to outbreak areas or are traveling internationally. Handy said a second MMR dose helps individuals who may not have responded to the first dose. About 7 out of 100 people do not become immune after one dose; the second dose brings this down to 3 out of 100.

Handy again recommends that parents talk to their pediatricians about the best course of action. 

“Related to the immunization schedule, I think the most practical information that people should have is that the way it’s designed right now is to give your child the best protection at the earliest time we can safely give vaccines. And with that in mind, deviation from that should be the exception,” she said.

I’m an adult but I’m not sure about my vaccination status. How can I check if I’ve had the measles vaccine?

If you were born before 1957, you have immunity due to the natural spread occurring then. If you were born after 1957 and have access to your records, check these. Most individuals vaccinated after that time will be protected except for a group of people who received a certain type of vaccine prior to 1968. If you do not have access to your records, you can ask your doctor to check your immunity through bloodwork to see if you need a dose of the vaccine.

The MMR vaccine gives long-lasting protection. No booster is needed, including for parents of young children, said Dr. William Schaffner of Vanderbilt University.

“The vaccine is extraordinarily effective,” he said.

I’m pregnant. What should I know about measles? 

To date, most adults have received the MMR vaccine. A person who did not get the vaccine during childhood should make a plan to get it before they become pregnant by at least a month. If they do not, they should wait until after their pregnancy because the MMR vaccine is a live virus vaccine.

Amid the declining rates of childhood vaccination and the measles outbreak, how should I discuss this topic with my family, friends and community if I’m not sure about their vaccination status?

Handy said that while she hopes parents and others make decisions about vaccination based on the science and one-on-one conversations with their health care providers, she knows people can be convinced to get vaccines because of their social groups. She encourages parents to have honest conversations with fellow parents.

“Help people realize, ‘This is important to me. This is what I do,’” she said. “A lot of people have a lot of questions, and they kind of want to understand what’s socially normal here.”

Handy said parents can also direct fellow parents to medical professionals.

“Recommend they talk with their health care provider to figure out, ‘Where’d you get that information? And how is that helping or potentially harming your child?’” she said. “Because your health care provider is keeping up on all of the science behind vaccines and kind of can help with myths or questions.”

Schaffner also encouraged open conversations between parents, particularly those having play dates. His biggest concern is in outbreak regions for now.

“You’re entitled to ask those other moms or dads, for that matter: ‘If your Susie wants to play with my Johnny, is your Susie vaccinated?’” he said.

Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has a history of anti-vaccine activism that came up during his Senate confirmation hearings What has he said about the outbreak?

Kennedy’s political ascension as a one-time presidential candidate and now as the head of the federal health department comes from a platform of promising to “Make America Healthy Again” through policy that purports to address children’s health issues. The messaging has resonated with some parents, while others are skeptical given Kennedy’s lack of formal medical and science training and years of anti-vaccine activism.

During his first public remarks on the Texas outbreak, Kennedy said measles outbreaks are “not unusual” — a description that drew criticism from some health experts because the number of cases related to this outbreak is particularly high. Kennedy also did not mention vaccination.

A few days later, Kennedy posted an op-ed where he more clearly acknowledged the severity of the outbreak and the need for vaccination.

“Parents play a pivotal role in safeguarding their children’s health. All parents should consult with their healthcare providers to understand their options to get the MMR vaccine. The decision to vaccinate is a personal one. Vaccines not only protect individual children from measles, but also contribute to community immunity, protecting those who are unable to be vaccinated due to medical reasons.”

There is a lot of information being shared online about vaccines. Where can I get factual information?

Handy recommended that parents review information available on the Vaccine Education Center at Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, which provides information on vaccine science, including its safety. She also noted the American Academy of Pediatrics has guides on vaccination, as does the American Academy of Family Physicians.
“Parents can look to those sites and see, where are those organizations potentially diverging from some other messaging in MAHA?” she said. “We really should be looking to those who have spent decades, if not centuries, protecting children and rely on that information.”

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Weeks after the escape of two men from separate Mississippi prisons, the search continues for a 71-year-old man convicted of capital murder who escaped the Mississippi State Penitentiary earlier in the week. 

Nevin Whetstone, who is serving life for the 1983 murder of Loretta Darlene Steele in Lee County, was last seen Tuesday, prison officials said. 

This is not the first time he has escaped incarceration. Whetstone received a one-year sentence for escaping from the Sunflower County Jail. He also tried to escape Parchman in 1988 with another man by climbing a fence behind a reception unit, according to the Associated Press. 

A spokesperson for the Mississippi Department of Corrections declined to comment Wednesday about details of how Whetstone escaped, how prison staff discovered his absence and whether a lack of staffing was a contributing factor. 

Staffing has been a problem at Parchman and across the state’s prisons for years. The agency’s 2023 annual report, the most recent published online, lists 275 filled security positions at Parchman, but 430 positions are authorized. That resulted in an inmate to staff ratio of 8.6. 

Whetstone has been in prison since 1984 after pleading guilty. Because he was sentenced before July 1994, his life sentence is parole eligible. 

In 2023, he was denied parole and given five years before he can be considered again, in 2028, according to an advocate who has worked with him. To date, Whetstone has been denied parole at least eight times. An MDOC spokesperson did not confirm whether Whetstone is parole eligible. 

Whetstone has been housed in Unit 31, Parchman’s medical unit, according to prison records. The advocate added that he has used a walker, which an MDOC spokesperson declined to comment about. 

Whetstone’s escape comes months after at least two prison escapes in December.  

On Christmas Eve, Drew Johnson escaped the South Mississippi Correctional Facility and was found a day later in Greene County. The 33-year-old is serving a life sentence for murder, and after the escape he was moved to Walnut Grove Correctional Facility. 

Gregory Trigg, sentenced to 61 years on nine counts including armed robbery, kidnapping and burglary committed in the Jackson metro area, escaped Parchman Dec. 9 and was found days later in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The 46-year-old was returned to prison and moved to Walnut Grove. 

This year, a bill has been proposed to require local law enforcement and the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation to be immediately notified about any prison or jail escape and once the person is apprehended. The legislation awaits a vote by the Senate. 

In the past decade, there have been at least 50 people in MDOC prisons and assigned to community work and restitution centers who have escaped, with a majority returned to custody afterward. About half of those escapes have been since 2020. 

Whetstone is among those who have escaped Mississippi prisons more than once. 

Trigg, who escaped last year, previously escaped from the Scott County Jail in 2017 while he was being held there on a court order, according to a MDOC news release from the time. 

Former Parchman inmate Ryan Young, who fled from court in Meridian in December 2023, was arrested five days later in Texas. 

He previously escaped the prison in 2017 with James Sanders. Young was found in Mound Bayou and Sanders was arrested in Arkansas. Not long after their return to prison, Sanders was moved to East Mississippi Correctional Facility, and Young went to Walnut Grove. 

Michael Wilson, who is serving a life sentence for nine charges including two murders, escaped SMCI in 2018 and was found a day later on the Coast. Years later in 2022, he escaped the Central Mississippi Correctional Facility and was found in Harrison County. His convictions are in Harrison and Jackson counties. 

“While understaffing has not been directly attributed to the July 5 escape, it could be a contributing factor that ultimately affects public safety,” MDOC said in a July 2018 statement following Wilson’s escape. 

“The department is committed to finding ways to address the understaffing problem, but until the wages, the necessary security positions are restored, and working conditions of the correctional officers improve, the state correctional system will continue to be at a disadvantage in carrying out its public safety mission.” 

The post Latest Mississippi inmate to flee prison is another repeat escapee appeared first on Mississippi Today.

Note: This column is part of Mississippi Today Ideas, a new platform for thoughtful Mississippians to share fact-based ideas about our state’s past, present and future. You can read more about the section here. 

Roger Wicker of Mississippi was so upset about Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine that he went where few modern politicians are willing to go: 1940s Germany.

“The free world deserves better than this modern-day Adolf Hitler,” the U.S. senator from Mississippi told the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe Parliamentary Assembly in February 2022. “If Vladimir Putin’s recent words and deeds have a haunting familiarity, it is because they are directly out of that Nazi madman’s notebook.”

Fast-forward three years to today: President Donald Trump is warming America’s relationship with the very dictator Wicker likened to Hitler. He is whitewashing the Ukrainian invasion that endangers millions of Europeans and long-standing U.S. allies. He’s reversing generations of U.S. foreign policy that Wicker and other Republicans worked hard to build.

You can see it on his face: Wicker is battling some intense personal struggles over Trump’s dangerous foreign policy positions.

It’s one thing to stay silent because of party loyalty, to fear political repercussions over menial political rhetoric. But what we’re witnessing the past few days is far from menial.

Trump is forging a disturbing shift of world power, and Americans of all political persuasions are fearful over what long-standing, bipartisan-supported policies he will upend next and wondering if our legislative branch elected officials will have the fortitude to check his unprecedented oversteps.

What will it take for Wicker, one of America’s most powerful leaders on the international stage, who took an oath to “support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic,” to stand up to the president on behalf of his country and the world?

If you’re scouring Washington for such a brave leader, Wicker is as well positioned as anyone.

The Pontotoc native serves as the new chairman of the all-powerful Senate Armed Services Committee. He has long been one of America’s closest friends of Ukraine and staunchest enemies of Russia. As Trump presents the most outward hostility toward Ukraine and friendliness to Russia of any prominent U.S. leader since Ukraine declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Wicker has become a target of cameras.

In late February, as Trump began to show new signs of Russian allegiance, reporters caught Wicker in the Capitol hallway. Careful not to criticize Trump, Wicker said Putin “is a war criminal who should be in jail for the rest of his life, if not executed.” Mississippi’s senator showed no fear in calling out the Russian strongman, but he sure appeared too afraid to criticize his own president who is playing directly into Putin’s hand.

Trump has unleashed a bevy of attacks in recent days on Ukraine, an important ally to America and to NATO countries who share a continent with Russia. Trump publicly humiliated Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in a petty and contentious West Wing public meeting. He halted U.S. military aid to Ukraine as its own military struggles to defend its country against further Russian invasion and assault. He paused the flow of CIA intelligence to Ukraine as it faces unprecedented and sophisticated attacks. His defense secretary Pete Hegseth stopped U.S. offensive cyber operations against Russia. And he is planning to revoke temporary U.S. legal immigration status for about 240,000 Ukrainians who fled the conflict with Russia.

As European allies scramble to clean up Trump’s mess and publicly back Ukraine, Wicker is thus far refusing to use his foreign policy expertise and platform to point out that Trump is ignoring fundamental realities: that Russia is one of America’s most dangerous adversaries, and handing Putin any semblance of victory in Ukraine could threaten human rights and basic freedoms around the world.

Ten years ago, Wicker co-founded the Senate Ukraine Caucus with the stated mission to “strengthen the political, military, economic, and cultural relationship between the United States and Ukraine.” For years, he has been among the most publicly supportive lawmakers regarding sending U.S. aid to Ukraine to defend itself against Russia. In 2022, he co-authored a letter to Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley asking them to expedite shipments of military equipment to Ukraine. His office has issued at least a dozen press releases since 2022 touting his support of America’s boosts for Ukraine.

“Our goal now should be to maximize U.S. interests through Ukrainian victory and deter further Russian aggression, including against our NATO and our non-NATO allies,” Wicker said on the Senate floor in March 2023. “I will continue to focus on providing the Ukrainians with everything they need to achieve battlefield gains faster and hasten Ukraine’s victory.”

Contrast these pro-Ukraine positions from Wicker — countless, on-the-floor, on-the-record, uber-public comments — with recent comments from Trump and his administration, and it’s no wonder Wicker’s face the past few days appears struck with fear and consternation.

Trump in February raised alarms across the world when he called Zelensky a “dictator without elections,” claimed he was doing a “terrible job” and suggested he was responsible for the start of the war. Trump has also argued in recent days that Zelensky shouldn’t be part of peace negotiations because he “doesn’t have the cards.”

Then, all hell broke loose when Zelensky visited Washington on Feb. 28 to formally finalize a mineral deal between Ukraine and the U.S. that would help aid the country’s fight against Russia. 

That morning, Wicker warmly greeted Zelensky, offering up his hand and a supportive message that he posted on social media: “Today, several U.S. senators had the opportunity to meet with President Zelensky to discuss Ukraine’s future and the mineral deal brokered by President Trump. This is a huge step forward in securing mutual prosperity and peace for Americans and Ukrainians.”

Zelensky then went to the White House, where things devolved in historic fashion. Trump and Vice President J.D. Vance sharply questioned Zelensky in front of rolling cameras, and the leaders screamed at each other. Trump accused Zelensky of not being grateful for the U.S. aid, and said he was “gambling with World War III.”

Shortly after the outburst, Wicker deleted his earlier social media post warmly welcoming Zelensky to Washington. That post removal has drawn criticism across the political spectrum.

Say what you want about Roger Wicker, but the man knows foreign policy. 

He knows that the United States’ steadfast support for Ukraine boosts our own national security and supports our NATO allies in Europe — allies that are within much closer range of Russian aggression than we are.

He knows that Russian regaining control of Ukraine could provide our enemies with geographic leverage that could more easily open the door to new foreign powers attacking traditional U.S. allies in Europe and beyond.

He knows that a powerful Russia, alongside their extremely rational allies China, Iran and North Korea, could reset the modern world order that works to uphold peace and fair elections around the world.

We can be sure Wicker knows all this because he’s publicly said it — countless, countless times. But another thing Wicker also must know: Trump’s recent actions have drawn high praise from the Kremlin.

This weekend, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov praised Trump’s “common sense” aim to end the war in Ukraine. Kremlin officials also over the weekend commended the U.S., with spokesperson Dmitry Peskov saying the United States’ “rapidly changing” foreign policy configurations “largely coincides with our vision.” 

“There is a long way to go, because there is huge damage to the whole complex of bilateral relations,” Peskov said. “But if the political will of the two leaders, President Putin and President Trump, is maintained, this path can be quite quick and successful.”

Someone should check Ronald Reagan’s grave to ensure he hasn’t spun his casket all the way to the surface.

For what it’s worth, several of Wicker’s Senate Republican colleagues have found the backbone to challenge Trump’s unsettling Ukraine-related actions this week.

But Wicker — the eternal friend of Ukraine, the steadfast defender of America’s interests in Europe and beyond, the foreign policy wonk who knows the biggest threats to our nation and to the rest of the world run through Moscow — has gone underground since the Oval Office explosion on Feb. 28.

In his only public statement so far this week, Wicker didn’t acknowledge Trump’s unacceptable actions. Instead, he worked to diffuse tensions and, in doing so, tried to put words in the president’s mouth — possibly the greatest political risk imaginable given the president’s constant flip-flopping.

“I would then remind those within the sound of my voice and those reading the record that our president, President Trump, has said, ‘The government of the United States of America supports Ukraine’s efforts to obtain security guarantees needed to establish lasting peace,’” Wicker said, quoting a draft of the mineral deal that hasn’t yet been signed. “… I’ve had fights with my roommates over time. We got over it. I’m even told sometimes there are family fights. It’s regrettable when they spill out into the front yard. But friends get over it. Friends decide to move on. And I think we’re seeing that process today. I hope to heaven that that is the case.”

In reality, Wicker could hold a lot more than mere hope that Trump will stop cozying up to Putin and Russia — he holds more power than just about anyone else in the world to call out Trump and other Putin sympathizers who are trying to dismantle the world order.

All Wicker’s constituents have, however, is hope alone — hope that our senior senator and one of America’s most powerful leaders does something more than hope before it’s too late.

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