‘Tis the season — Labor Day weekend — when state politicians will trip over each other to praise Mississippi workers.
And they rightfully should sing the praises of the state’s workforce — the entire workforce, those at the top of the pay scale and those at the bottom. Mississippi has a lot of dedicated workers.
But it also tis the season when various organizations evaluate the working conditions of each state.
According to Oxfam, a nonprofit that promotes equality, Mississippi is 51st (including Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico) in its most recent ranking of best states to work. The ranking that was released last week is determined based on 27 factors related to wages, worker protection and the right to organize.
Mississippi’s low ranking can be attributed to a number of factors, such as being among the 20 states that have not increased the minimum wage, the lack of paid family leave, low unemployment benefits and a weak equal pay law.
Another factor that is harmful to thousands of Mississippi workers is the refusal of state leaders to take steps to ensure they have adequate health care. Mississippi is one of 10 states that have not expanded Medicaid, as is allowed under federal law, to provide health insurance coverage for the working poor.
Mississippi politicians often have said that instead of expanding Medicaid, they wanted to ensure good jobs that offer health insurance as a benefit.
How is that plan working out for Mississippi workers?
Medicaid expansion has been available for states to opt into for more than a decade. When Medicaid expansion started, Mississippi had one of the nation’s lowest percentage of workers receiving health insurance coverage through their employer.
Guess what?
Mississippi is still near the bottom in terms of the percentage of its workforce with employer-provided health insurance. According to 2023 data compiled by KFF, which conducts health research, just 42.7% of Mississippi workers have employer-based health insurance compared to the national average of 48.6%.
KFF research also reveals that 10.5% of Mississippians have no health insurance at all, compared to the national average of 7.9%.
If political leaders continue to refuse to expand Medicaid and anticipated federal changes play out, the number of Mississippians with no health insurance is expected to rise in the coming years.
Enhanced federal subsidies provided during the Joe Biden administration for health insurance purchased on the federal marketplace exchange are scheduled to expire at the end of this year. Congress opted not to continue the enhanced subsidies as part of President Trump’s so-called “One Big Beautiful Bill.”
Without the enhanced subsidies, KFF estimates the average cost of a policy for the 338,000 Mississippians who have insurance through the marketplace exchange will increase $480 per year, which could be cost prohibitive for someone working in a convenience store or waiting tables or cutting grass.
Experts predict fewer people — fewer Mississippi workers — will have health insurance in the coming years because of the federal action to allow the enhanced subsidies to expire and the state’s inaction of not expanding Medicaid.
Roy Mitchell, executive director of the Mississippi Health Advocacy Program, said federal studies estimate 170,000 Mississippians will not be able to continue their marketplace plan once the enhanced federal subsidies expire at the end of 2025.
That could result in more sick Mississippians, meaning fewer people in the workforce for state politicians to praise.
Yes, ’tis the season to celebrate Mississippi workers.
But when is the season to provide real health care relief for Mississippi’s low wage workers?
Higher education — central to the public profiles of billionaire businessman Tommy Duff and State Auditor Shad White, two Republicans eyeing Mississippi’s governorship in 2027 — has already become a point of division between them.
Duff, in a recent interview, appeared to take a shot at White, saying politicians should focus on the jobs they currently hold, not future ambitions for higher office. White, in response, said Duff, while on the college board, helped implement diversity, equity and inclusion programs anathema to conservative Republican policy.
In Mississippi, issues such as diversity, equity and inclusion and other culture war battles roiling higher education have become a wedge issue in intraparty political spats, a legal fight unfolding in federal court and an ongoing effort to keep college students from leaving the state in droves.
Duff is considering a run for governor and has made higher education a top focus of his recent public appearances. He cites his budget stewardship during his stint on the state Institutions of Higher Learning Board from May 2015 to May 2024.
White, both through reports issued by his office and his own bully pulpit, has led a high-profile campaign for conservative reform of Mississippi’s higher education system.
Duff has hinted at the broad outlines of what could become a gubernatorial campaign agenda, but he has largely done so without offering specific policy proposals, citing the nearly 27 months remaining until Election Day in 2027. The gubernatorial race, Duff added in an interview with Mississippi Today, should not distract current state leaders interested in running from attending to the demands of their offices.
“I kind of wish all these people that want to be running that maybe have government jobs and responsibilities ought to tend to the ones they have,” Duff said. He didn’t name White, but the comment appeared to be a shot at him.
In response to Duff’s statement, White criticized Duff’s track record on the IHL Board.
“When Tommy Duff was on the board running our universities, he supported the creation of the DEI office at Ole Miss, on his watch the University Medical Center started an ‘LGBTQ Clinic’ which gave puberty blockers to transgender minors, and he voted to require the COVID shot for university employees before they were allowed to come back to work, so I sort of wish he would have done a better job when he was in his government position,” White said. “I’d have less to clean up.”
In a statement, Jordan Russell, a spokesperson for Duff, called White’s statement “blatantly false” but declined to comment further.
John Sewell, director of communications for the IHL, said the University of Mississippi’s Division of Diversity and Community Engagement was requested by the university and approved by the Board in April 2017
The University of Mississippi Medical Center’s now dissolved “LGBTQ clinic” was created in 2019, and an IHL Board vote was not required for its creation, Sewell said.
On the COVID-19 vaccine mandate, Sewell said the board voted against a systemwide mandate in August of 2021, but was then prompted to change course in response to federal regulations.
“The next month, President Biden issued an order demanding that federal contractors and subcontractors be vaccinated. To avoid losing federal research dollars, the Board voted in October 2021 that individuals considered federal contractors and subcontractors should comply with the executive order,” Sewell said.
Neither Duff nor White has formally entered the race for governor, but they have both said they are considering a run. Their experience, along with Mississippi’s specific economic challenges, suggests higher education could play a major role in shaping state politics for years to come.
Duff focuses on fiscal policies
In what Duff’s advisers characterized as the first political speech of his life earlier this month, he reminded the crowd of his tenure on the IHL Board.
Duff anchored his comments about his experience on the IHL Board in cost savings – a message that aligns with the Trump administration’s elevation of “government efficiency” as a leading political priority.
Duff said that he oversaw the hiring of a firm to coordinate health insurance policies across the nine institutions in the IHL system, and that resulted in millions in savings. He also said he helped revamp the interest payments universities were paying on bond projects, resulting in about $100 million in savings.
He appeared at a Mississippi Today event with business leaders about “brain drain” and highlighted the need to keep more Mississippi-educated college students in the state by attracting more private-sector jobs. And in an earlier interview with Mississippi Today, he noted that he and his brother are also major supporters of higher education, having donated about $50 million to Mississippi universities.
Duff also said he supports adding “civic responsibilities” to curricula at Mississippi universities. That reflects ideological currents sweeping the country, with several Republican-led states enacting laws requiring students to take civics-focused courses — often with an emphasis on Western civilization — while scaling back identity-focused content such as race or gender studies.
“I don’t think that’s taught as much anymore. What it means to be an American, a Mississippian. What does it mean to be a future member of society, a citizen? The importance of voting,” Duff said. “Those type of things need to be added into college curricula. Learning our constitution, that type of stuff that makes you more well-rounded and makes you a better student and adult.”
White has called for Mississippi to change how it funds higher education by stripping public money from degree programs that don’t align with the state’s labor force needs. White pitched that policy as his own solution to brain drain. The idea is that outmigration could be blunted by increasing funding for degree programs with higher earning potential right after graduating, such as in engineering or business management, according to a 2023 report issued by White’s office.
White was the earliest and most vocal state leader to come out in favor of banning diversity, equity and inclusion programs in schools.
In a statement, Jacob Walters, a spokesperson for White, said the auditor wants to ensure DEI departments are not recreated again under a different name. White also wants to use the money that previously went to DEI offices to increase campus security.
Walters also provided other higher education proposals White supports, many of which align with the Trump administration’s push to shape teaching around cultural issues and eliminate “useless woke programs.”
“Taxpayer money should not be used to fund Gender Studies programs that feature ‘queer studies’ coursework,” Walters wrote. “This can be found right now at our universities. Instead, taxpayer money should fund degree programs that prepare students for real jobs and don’t saddle them with debt they cannot repay.”
White wants to require that all universities teach “the scientific reality that there are only two sexes,” Walters wrote.
He also supports putting a surcharge on out-of-state students who attend Mississippi universities. The revenue would be used to fund a scholarship for any graduate with good grades in a high-need field who agrees to work in Mississippi for the first four years after graduation.
Duff and White are seen as likely candidates for governor in 2027, but Agriculture Commissioner Andy Gipson is the only notable candidate who has officially announced he’s running.
Gipson also supports eliminating the ability of Mississippi universities to set goals around “diversity outcomes,” a push that became easier after Trump’s reelection, he told Mississippi Today.
“Like most Mississippians, I’ve always supported hiring and recruitment based on individual merit and qualifications, so I was glad to see IHL move this direction beginning in November 2024,” Gipson said.
Going forward, Gipson said Mississippi universities must adapt to a declining student population, which some call an “enrollment cliff.” Mississippi can do that by highlighting its “quality of life and college experience and culture that other parts of the country can’t offer,” he added.
Preparing students with skills in data and artificial intelligence – industries already disrupting the American economy – would also be at the top of the two-term agriculture commissioner’s higher education agenda as governor, he said.
There are just under 80,000 students enrolled at Mississippi’s eight public universities and the University of Mississippi Medical Center, many of whom returned to classes this month. They did so as a legal battle heats up that could fundamentally reshape the composition of student bodies and the dictate which subjects they are taught.
Legal questions loom over DEI
After President Trump made banning DEI programs de rigueur for Republican state legislatures, Mississippi lawmakers introduced legislation for two consecutive legislative sessions. They questioned university officials on their implementation of diversity initiatives and finally succeeded in passing a statewide ban in 2025.
Last week, a federal judge blocked a Mississippi law that bans diversity, equity and inclusion programs in Mississippi public schools from going into effect.
As Mississippi geared up to shutter DEI from its schools, the Trump administration unleashed a torrent of executive actions aimed at universities. The federal government launched civil rights investigations into elite universities and froze billions in federal research money
The Mississippi ruling prevents officials from enforcing the law. Attorneys for the plaintiffs and the state defendants will now move to discovery, where they collect evidence before a bench trial.
The litigation could drag on past the 2026 legislative session, forcing Republican lawmakers to keep pushing to enact a policy they had already spent over a year drafting and debating.
IOWA CITY, Iowa — Long before his banishment from gymnastics and arrest after accusations that he abused girls he coached, warning signs about Sean Gardner were coming from several directions — his former boss, his gymnasts and their parents.
The former boss in Mississippi says she brought her concerns about Gardner’s “grooming” behavior to USA Gymnastics, the sport’s national governing body. The parents and girls in Iowa described telling coaches of inappropriate behavior at Gardner’s new job at an academy there that produced Olympians and is owned by renowned coach Liang “Chow” Qiao.
Yet Qiao not only kept Gardner on the job — he promoted him.
Associated Press interviews with four parents whose daughters trained under Gardner and a letter obtained by the AP from Gardner’s former employer to clients at her gym revealed that concerns about the coach were reported to gymnastics authorities as far back as 2018 — four years before he was kicked out of the sport.
One girl told Qiao during a meeting in 2020 that she had been touched inappropriately by Gardner during training, but Qiao said any such contact was inadvertent and intended to save athletes from injury, a parent told AP.
“She felt totally invalidated,” the parent said of the response from Qiao, who built his reputation coaching Olympic gold medalists Shawn Johnson and Gabby Douglas and China’s women’s national team.
The watchdog responsible for investigating wrongdoing in Olympic sports confirmed to AP that Qiao and several other coaches were privately sanctioned for failing to report sexual misconduct allegations against Gardner after learning about them.
Qiao did not return AP emails and phone messages seeking comment. Gardner, 38, has been jailed since his Aug. 14 arrest pending federal court proceedings in Mississippi. He hasn’t entered a plea, and court records don’t indicate if he has a lawyer. He did not return AP messages seeking comment before his arrest.
Concerns at Chow’s Gymnastics were first raised in 2019
Chow’s Gymnastics & Dance Institute is seen Aug. 4, 2025, in West Des Moines, Iowa. Credit: AP Photo/Scott McFetridge
One parent recalled attending a 2019 meeting with the parents of two other girls with Qiao to discuss their daughters’ concerns, including that Gardner was making them uncomfortable in the way he touched them while spotting and by talking about inappropriate subjects.
The parent, like the others, spoke to AP on condition of anonymity to protect their daughters. The AP generally does not identify alleged sexual abuse victims.
The meeting came more than a year after Gardner’s former employer at a gym in Purvis, Mississippi, Candi Workman, said she discussed concerns with a USA Gymnastics attorney about “troubling behavior” involving Gardner’s “coaching and grooming behavior.”
Gardner was removed from the sport in July 2022 after the U.S. Center for SafeSport received a sexual abuse complaint and issued a temporary ban — a move it called “the only reason Gardner was barred from coaching young athletes” until his arrest.
The center forwarded that information to Iowa police, and it was another three years before the FBI arrested Gardner on charges of child sexual exploitation. Among the most damning evidence were allegations that he installed a hidden camera in the bathroom of the Mississippi gym to record girls as young as 6 undressing.
Gardner’s rise and the sport’s inability to root him out came even as news of Larry Nassar’s decades-long sexual abuse of gymnasts was in the headlines and gyms were implementing safeguards to better protect athletes. It was the inability of USA Gymnastics and the U.S. Olympic Committee to police predators, along with inaction by the FBI after learning of the abuse, that led to SafeSport’s founding in 2017.
“This is the same type of behavior where girls aren’t believed. They are cast aside. They are tamped down,” said Megan Bonanni, a lawyer who helped secure a $138.7 million settlement for Nassar’s victims over the FBI’s failures.
“What we’re seeing with Gardner, it’s multiple institutions failing to act with the urgency that child safety demands. … Local police, SafeSport, USA Gymnastics and this gym. All of them.”
Gardner’s former boss says she reported ‘troubling behavior’ in 2018
In her first comments on the case, Workman, the Mississippi gym owner, told gymnasts and their parents in a recent letter that she reported “troubling behavior” by Gardner to then-USA Gymnastics lawyer Mark Busby in January 2018.
Workman wrote that her concerns were related to “grooming,” which USA Gymnastics defines as a process where a person builds trust and emotional connections with a child for the purpose of sexually abusing them.
Workman did not elaborate on what she reported and hasn’t returned messages from AP seeking comment. Busby, whose job at the time related to athlete safety and is now in private practice, declined to comment when reached by AP.
The SafeSport center said it was notified by USA Gymnastics in January 2018 that one of its affiliated gyms had resolved a report involving Gardner. But the center said it didn’t investigate further because the report was not related to sexual misconduct and it did not receive detailed information.
Despite that, Gardner was able to leave Mississippi for a better job in another USA Gymnastics-affiliated facility — Chow’s Gymnastics and Dance Institute, the West Des Moines, Iowa, gym that had become a mecca for top gymnasts.
Despite concerns at Chow’s, Gardner was promoted
Chow’s Gymnastics said Gardner passed a standard USA Gymnastics background check when he was hired in 2018.
Concerns about his behavior in the gym began soon after, yet Gardner was consistently given more responsibility. Girls in one training group pushed for other adults to intervene, which resulted in the 2019 meeting between parents and Qiao.
But not long after that meeting, Chow’s Gymnastics promoted Gardner in January 2020 to head coach of a key girls’ team, telling parents in an email obtained by AP: “He has demonstrated the leadership and put good effort to do his job well.” Gardner was also director of the Chow’s Winter Classic, a meet that draws hundreds of gymnasts to Iowa every year.
Chow’s Gymnastics kept Gardner on the payroll after he was arrested in August 2021 for second-offense drunken driving, a crash in which he ran another car off the road and his blood alcohol content recorded more than three times the legal limit for driving. Gardner was sentenced to a week in jail and two years of probation.
In a statement, Chow’s Gymnastics said it acted “promptly, responsibly and in full compliance” after it received notice in April 2022 that Gardner was to be barred from one-on-one or unsupervised contact with athletes while SafeSport investigated unspecified misconduct.
Chow’s Gymnastics said that it enforced those measures and removed Gardner as head coach. The gym said it fired Gardner in July 2022 after SafeSport strengthened Gardner’s restrictions to a temporary suspension from coaching and all contact with athletes.
“Although there had been no finding of misconduct at that time, Chow’s Gymnastics chose to err on the side of protecting its athletes,” the statement said.
SafeSport said the sanctions in 2022 against Qiao and the other coaches who failed to report sexual misconduct allegations included warnings, required education, probation, and suspension in one case.
The center does not normally comment about specific cases but said in a statement to AP that it has “the ability to correct the record in light of the recent public letter issued by Chow’s Gymnastics and Dance Institute.”
Chow’s Gymnastics & Dance Institute is seen Aug. 4, 2025, in West Des Moines, Iowa. Credit: AP Photo/Scott McFetridge
Gym’s claim of prompt response infuriated parents
The gym’s statement infuriated some parents and former Chow’s pupils who said concerns about Gardner had been widely known. Several of Gardner’s students left the gym beginning in 2019 in what parents called a mass exodus.
The parents of one gymnast recalled witnessing Gardner touch another girl’s buttocks while standing behind her during practice. Gardner told the parents that his hand slipped by accident, and the father recalled warning Gardner that there “would be no accidents with my daughter.”
When that girl eventually quit the gym due in part to Gardner’s conduct, the father recalled restraining himself when Gardner came out to the parking lot to say he was sorry.
Bonanni, the attorney for survivors of Nassar’s abuse, said she is troubled by the slow response in the Gardner case and expects more victims to come forward.
“The damage caused by this kind of abuse is permanent, and it’s really long-lasting,” she said. “It changes the trajectory of a young person’s life.”
The Associated Press’ Ryan J. Foley reported from Iowa City, Iowa, and Eddie Pells reported from Denver.
GULFPORT — A Hurricane Hunter flyby Friday opened the 20th anniversary ceremony of Hurricane Katrina at the Barksdale Pavilion in Gulfport, filled with hundreds of people who each has a story of where they were on Aug. 29, 2005, and how Katrina changed their lives.
It ended about 90 minutes later with the young choir from St. James Catholic Church in Gulfport joining songwriter Steve Azar in an energetic rendition of “One Mississippi,” the state song.
It was as if the ceremony and the many photographs and memories brought out and examined this week ripped off the bandage to the pain of Katrina and the loss of 238 people.
Here are the five most memorable quotes of the day from Gulfport:
“We’re so blessed. We’re so fortunate,” said Gulfport Mayor Hugh Keating, whose home was flooded with 8 feet of water during Katrina. “We survived, and we thrived,” he said of south Mississippi.
He and all the speakers saluted the volunteers who came from across the country and even the world to help with the recovery — “960,000. I had no idea there was that many,” Keating said.
The speaker’s platform, set up where the storm surge rushed in to devastate Gulfport, is close to the Mississippi Aquarium and Island View Casino, which opened since the storm. The State Port of Gulfport was rebuilt and the downtown is revitalized, with a lively restaurant scene and offices.
“We coined a new word after Katrina — ‘slabbed,’” said Haley Barbour, who was governor at the time Katrina struck. From Waveland, where after the devastating storm surge “every structure was destroyed,” he said, to Pascagoula, 80 miles away from the center and still with so many homes lost, “It looked like the hand of God had wiped away the Coast — utter destruction,” he said.
The audience gave Barbour and his wife, Marsha, standing ovations. She was at Camp Shelby in Hattiesburg the day before Katrina and “came down with the troops,” her husband said. She was on the Coast, making sure needs were met, for months.
Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard shakes hands with Gulfport Mayor Hugh Keating on Friday, Aug. 29, 2025, in Gulfport, Miss.
“We are always better together,” said Tulsi Gabbard, U.S. director of national intelligence, who greeted the crowd with an “Aloha.” Listening to the stories from Katrina on the 20th anniversary reminded her of the fires that destroyed Lahaina on Maui in her native state of Hawaii, she said, when 102 people died and the area was left with total devastation.
We will always remember those lost, she said, “But my hope is that we remain inspired, as we stand here 20 years later, by what came after, and remember the unity that we felt, remember the strength that came from all of us coming together as neighbors, as friends, as colleagues, as Americans, that allowed us to get through these historic disasters.”
“Together, we proved you should never bet against Mississippi,” said Gov. Tate Reeves. At the time, Katrina was five times the size of any natural disaster to hit the United States, he said.
People returned home to find nothing but “steps to nowhere,” every other trace of their home gone. Their churches, schools and offices also were damaged and destroyed.
Sen. Trent Lott and Sen. Thad Cochran fought for federal funds, working with state officials and Gov. Barbour to bring south Mississippi back, he said. “Everyone knew who was in charge, and that was Gov. Barbour,” he said. “He never once wavered. He never once quit.”
If Mississippi only built the Coast back to what it was, the state would have failed, was Barbour’s mantra after Katrina and the vision for south Mississippi today. The priorities initially were homes, jobs and schools, and in the 20 years since, south Mississippi has seen great business growth.
“Hurricane roulette,” is how Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann terms it. “Sooner or later it will be our time,” he said, but Mississippi is better prepared than it was for Katrina. Homes and offices were built back stronger and, “We have money set aside in the state,” he said. Mississippi has $1 billion in the windpool between cash and reinsurance for another major storm that one day will come.
The Southern Poverty Law Center is again arguing that state agencies in Mississippi are unfairly withholding money from Jackson’s long under-funded water and sewer infrastructure.
SPLC, an Alabama-based legal nonprofit that specializes in racial justice cases, argues in the Aug. 21 lawsuit that the state discriminated against the majority-Black city in violation of the 14th Amendment.
In 2022, the state awarded the capital city $35.6 million in matching funds from the federal American Rescue Plan Act, or ARPA. A little over $23 million was for Jackson’s drinking water, with the remainder for wastewater needs. Both of the city’s systems are now under a federal receivership, headed by JXN Water, after struggling for years.
But since the state awarded those funds, SPLC argues, the Office of the State Treasurer has withheld Jackson’s allotted amount without explanation. A bill that year — written by Rep. Shanda Yates, an independent in Jackson, and signed by Gov. Tate Reeves — stipulated that matching dollars for the capital city would go into a “special fund” with the state treasurer. For Jackson to access the funds, the law says, the city must submit a plan to the state Department of Finance and Administration.
Jackson’s O.B. Curtis Water Treatment Facility. Tuesday, July 19, 2023. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today
Despite Mississippi making hundreds of millions of dollars worth of water and sewer funds available to cities and counties across the state, lawmakers only added the extra obstacle for Jackson. Moreover, a SPLC lawyer contends, Jackson had a plan for its ARPA money even before the funds were awarded.
“The city of Jackson had a plan, it had it for decades,” said Crystal McElrath, a senior attorney with the nonprofit. “(The state hasn’t) given them the so-called matching funds, and we don’t know that they have a good reason at this point.”
So far, the suit alleges, JXN Water has only received $3.8 million of the awarded ARPA funds. The 2022 bill also says that any of the $35.6 million unspent by 2027 will go into the state’s general fund.
The defendants in the suit are the state treasurer, DFA, and the Mississippi Department of Environmental Quality. The state treasurer did not respond to Mississippi Today for this story, while DFA and MDEQ declined to comment on a pending legal matter.
SPLC first raised the issue in 2023 in a complaint to the U.S. Department of Treasury, alleging the state racially discriminated against Jackson in its distribution of ARPA funds. The department decided to not investigate the complaint because it doesn’t have jurisdiction over the state’s funding decisions, McElrath said.
Mississippi Today also reached out to Jackson and JXN Water, and neither responded by publication. JXN Water is in the middle of a months-long effort to raise water bill rates because it lacks funding for daily operations and management.
The plaintiffs in the case are Jackson residents Doris Glasper and Nsombi Lambright, as well as the Jackson branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored Peoples.
This article was reported and published by The Trace, a nonprofit newsroom investigating gun violence in America. Click here to subscribe to its newsletters.
When Mississippi Governor Tate Reeves announced he was sending his state’s National Guard troops to Washington, D.C., at President Donald Trump’s request, he framed the move as a matter of public safety. “Crime is out of control there, and it’s clear something must be done to combat it,” Reeves declared.
But several parts of Reeves’s state are worse off than Washington. At least 17 Mississippi counties endured more gun homicides per capita than the nation’s capital in 2024. That includes Hinds County, home to the state capital of Jackson, where the rate was nearly twice that of Washington’s last year.
Reeves isn’t alone. Five other Republican governors — in Louisiana, Tennessee, South Carolina, Ohio, and West Virginia — also dispatched guard units to Washington in August, echoing Trump’s rhetoric about a city in crisis.
But a Trace analysis of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data shows that most of those states suffer from some of the nation’s highest gun homicide rates, with some areas worse than the capital Republicans portray as especially dangerous.
“Why is there not more outrage in those states about their higher violence rates?” said Shani Buggs, a violence prevention researcher at the University of California, Davis. “Spending state resources to outsource people to other cities doesn’t make sense. If this is supposed to be a strategy for reducing violence, why aren’t they employing it within their own states?”
The Trace reached out to the six governors that have deployed guard units to Washington and asked if they were planning to send troops to violent crime hotspots in their own states. One responded.
“Ohio has traditionally helped the District of Columbia, Ohio mayors, and other states when they request assistance from the Ohio National Guard or the Ohio State Highway Patrol,” said Daniel Tierney, a spokesperson for Governor Mike DeWine. Tierney noted that the state had deployed the guard to Cleveland and Columbus at the behest of Democratic mayors to help quell protests over the 2020 police murder of George Floyd.
The Data
The nation’s capital has long been a political scapegoat for Republicans, who point to its homicide rate as evidence of Democratic mismanagement. Last year, Washington’s gun homicide rate stood at 18.7 per 100,000. If it were a state, it would have the nation’s highest rate. But Mississippi’s homicide rate was nearly as high — 16.9 per 100,000 — and Tennessee, South Carolina, and Louisiana each ranked in the top 10 states for gun homicides. Ohio and West Virginia fall closer to the national average.
Washington is almost entirely urban, lacking the suburban and rural areas that help pull down most statewide averages. The district’s land area — about 68 square miles — is smaller than most counties but more comparable in scale, making counties a more fitting benchmark than entire states. County-level data also provides consistency, as it is a standard unit in federal public health reporting, unlike city-level data, which can be uneven.
Our analysis of counties found areas within several Republican-controlled states that face higher levels of gun violence than Washington. Four of the six states that have deployed guard units to Washington have at least one county that’s deadlier. Mississippi has the most counties with gun homicide rates exceeding Washington’s, at 17.
“From a rational perspective, there’s very little to support these states outsourcing people to communities that are not asking for this,” Buggs said. “Meanwhile, there have been cuts to violence prevention strategies, health care, Medicaid, affordable housing, social services, and youth job programs. Those are the things communities are asking for — not this type of intervention.”
Annual gun homicide rates fell by double-digits last year in the three cities Trump has focused most of his attention on: Washington, Chicago, and Baltimore. Meanwhile, at least 31 of 82 Mississippi counties saw their rates increase. In Louisiana, 19 parishes endured increases, and as did 36 Tennessee counties.
In New York, where Trump has also threatened to send the guard, 66 Mississippi counties, 50 Louisiana parishes, 38 South Carolina counties, and 20 Tennessee counties had more gun homicides per capita last year than the Bronx, the New York City borough with the highest rate. Ohio had eight deadlier counties, while West Virginia had one.
A double standard?
The governors sent troops to Washington, but at home they’ve taken a more subtle approach, coordinating with federal and local law enforcement partners — something the Trump administration reportedly has not done with leaders in any of the states to which he’s mentioned deploying troops.
Louisiana Governor Jeff Landry, the only one of the six governors to have served in the National Guard (or in the military at all), has used the guard for security within his state. He deployed the guard to assist police in the aftermath of the New Year’s truck attack and shooting on Bourbon Street in New Orleans, and again a few weeks later for the Super Bowl.
Four Louisiana parishes — as counties are called there — have gun homicide rates higher than Washington’s, including Orleans Parish and East Baton Rogue Parish, home to the state’s largest city and state capital, respectively, The Trace found. Caddo Parrish, where Shreveport is located, also had a higher rate, as did Rapides, a solidly Republican county that includes Alexandria.
In Baton Rouge, Sateria Tate-Alexander, who runs the nonprofit anti-violence group AGILE, said Landry’s deployment to Washington is a waste of resources that could be used to help reduce violence in her community. AGILE’s violence intervention programs are at risk of shutting down after the city’s new mayor, a Republican, canceled a federally funded grant. “It actually is devastating because we see it all the time, the wasted resources or the displacement of resources,” she said. “It makes me angry.”
She said the Louisiana cities suffering from high rates of violence need more state support for community programs. “Violence is a complex issue, so we have to have an equally complex solution to actually be effective,” she said. “What we’re seeing is the opposite.”
In Memphis, where violence is worse than in Washington, community groups say they’ve also been left in the lurch — even as Tennessee Governor Bill Lee sends guard troops to the nation’s capital. “It makes me feel like they’re ignoring the violence — that they’re not concerned about what’s going on here in the city of Memphis,” said Brian Tillman, a violence interrupter with the 901 B.L.O.C. Squad, a violence prevention team that was recently furloughed after its budget was slashed.
“If you have resources to allocate to D.C., why wouldn’t you have resources to allocate to the city of Memphis,” he said. “If you’re not addressing the root causes, then you’re not part of the solution, which makes you part of the problem.”
Chip Brownlee is a reporter at The Trace covering federal policy related to violence prevention and firearms. He is also the author of The Trajectory newsletter, which spotlights the people, policies, and programs grappling with America’s gun violence crisis. Before joining The Trace as an investigative fellow in June 2020, Chip Brownlee worked as a reporter and the editor-in-chief of his collegiate newspaper, The Auburn Plainsman. He also covered the state legislature, governor, courts, and elections for the Alabama Political Reporter. As an undergraduate, Chip studied political science and journalism at Auburn University. He also earned an M.A. with a concentration in politics from the Columbia Journalism School.
Jennifer Mascia is a senior news writer and founding staffer at The Trace. She previously covered gun violence at The New York Times. In her dozen years on this beat, she’s covered community gun violence, the intersection of domestic violence and guns, and the growing role of firearms in public life.
Editor’s note: Mississippi Today Ideas is publishing guest essays from people impacted by Hurricane Katrina during the week of the 20th anniversary of the storm that hit the Mississippi Gulf Coast on Aug. 29, 2005.
As I flew home from a three-week economic development trip to Japan on Aug. 24th, 2005, I became aware that a tropical storm was in the Atlantic headed toward Florida. That day it was named Hurricane Katrina by the National Hurricane Center.
It hit southeastern Florida as a Category 1 hurricane on the 25th and then traveled into the warm waters of the Gulf of Mexico that evening.
After Hurricane Camille hit Mississippi’s Gulf Coast in 1969, the state had conducted annual drills and practice sessions in preparation for the next major hurricane. Based on those preparations and practices, the Mississippi Emergency Management Agency (MEMA), the Mississippi National Guard and the Mississippi Highway Patrol joined with the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the Mississippi Department of Transportation (MDOT) along with county and city responders and private companies in preparing for a serious hurricane.
As Katrina approached, we established a unified command structure that tied the various governmental structures together, which strengthened our operations. This was especially important since the state had more than 3,000 National Guard forces on the ground in Iraq. Private companies such as public utilities, airports, ports and shipyards tied into the command structure.
By Aug. 27th Katrina had begun to change course, turning north and gaining strength. Dr. Max Mayfield, head of the National Hurricane Center, called me that evening and told me the hurricane would probably come ashore in Mississippi and would be worse than Camille.
I asked him to get the government and the news media to start saying that because our evacuation efforts were too small. He agreed and once the media started saying this hurricane would be worse than Camille, our evacuation became much larger. Our citizens knew how terrible Camille had been.
The eye of the storm came ashore early the morning of Monday, Aug. 29th, where Mississippi and Louisiana come together at the mouth of the Pearl River, with the strongest part of the storm, the right front quadrant, covering the entire Mississippi Coast and more. The wind speed, which had been a Category 5 storm until Sunday, was knocked back to a high Category 3 when the eye passed over the mouth of the Mississippi River and the Chandeleur Islands.
A neighborhood in D’Iberville was completely destroyed by Hurricane Katrina. Credit: Geoff Pender photo for the Sun Herald
While the winds were down to 125 mph, the storm surge was enormous. The storm surge in Hancock County was 30 feet plus the waves on top. At Waveland that equaled 37 feet!
Afterward at Waveland there were no habitable structures remaining. Seventy miles to the east at Pascagoula the storm surge equaled more than 20 feet on Beach Boulevard.
As it went forward, Katrina threw off 11 tornadoes in southeast Mississippi, including population centers like Laurel and Meridian. Thirty more tornadoes were spread across other Southeastern states.
No airplanes were allowed to fly in the hurricane’s path, but my office made an agreement with USDOT to allow the governor’s office to fly the state plane to Gulfport-Biloxi airport, provided the Mississippi National Guard cleared one runway by Tuesday morning.
After I landed, we had a quick leadership meeting; then I saw my wife Marsha, who had gone down Sunday to Camp Shelby to thank the large elements of the Mississippi National Guard and Highway Patrol who had sheltered there.
She traveled to Gulfport when the convoy was able to clear one lane of U.S. Highway 49 on Monday. It was a seven-hour trek to cover what was normally less than a two-hour drive.
After the meeting, the Guard bought up three helicopters for damage assessment. I asked Marsha to go, but she said she had done it earlier that morning and didn’t want to see it again. My team took up two of the choppers, and I let the news media take the third.
The devastation was shocking. There was utter obliteration. As far as the eye could see, it looked like the hand of God had swept away the whole Gulf Coast.
We flew first over Gulfport and then went all the way to the Pearl River. Gulfport had 10 to 15 feet of water flow through it, and much was washed away. As we went farther west, most everything seemed to be covered with several feet of debris and residential neighborhoods were flattened.
A new verb was created: “slabbed,” as in my house was “slabbed,” meaning there was nothing left but the slab. Many thousands of houses and other buildings were “slabbed” in never-before-seen destruction.
And it wasn’t just residential destruction that littered the Coast. Major industrial sites were badly damaged. As I flew over Pascagoula in the helicopter, I saw that Huntington-Ingalls Shipyard was covered in debris, and Chevron’s largest refinery in the United States was also covered with debris.
It was estimated that Katrina reduced US energy output by 20%, including offshore.
Remarkably, all the damage and debris were not on the beach. Many tons of debris were piled up on the railroad right of way; more were miles past the right of way. In very few places could you even see the grass as it all was inundated under trees, cans, waste from buildings, etc. It was scary.
When we landed at Gulfport at the end of the ride, Bert Case, a leading Jackson television reporter, asked me, “Governor, after seeing what you saw on the helicopter ride, what is your worst fear?” I told Bert my biggest concern was how many bodies will we find under all that debris.
By God’s grace, the number of fatalities we had was 238 – too many for me, but fewer than expected. And one-third of those were not in the coastal counties. We had a small fraction of the number of fatalities compared to Louisiana, which numbered 1,600 to 1,800, despite the fact that Mississippi bore the brunt of the storm.
While the death toll turned out to be far fewer than feared, the devastation to property and the terrain was beyond anyone’s expectation. And it was not only a coastal calamity. The hurricane force winds extended to north of Columbus in north Mississippi. As I mentioned earlier, a third of fatalities from Katrina were not on the Coast but north of there.
As we united to rescue survivors and to stay conscious of security and looting (we had very little looting), we laid out our priorities. On Wednesday – two days after the storm – I shared those priorities with senior staff of the governor’s office.
I laid out the literal goals of our work: return heavy employment to the Coast as very few people would return unless there were lots of good jobs; rebuild or replace the tens of thousands of homes, apartments or condos because people would not return unless there was ample, good quality housing; and a quick opening of high quality schools for their children’s education.These priorities were pursued from the first week after the storm.
A main method of achieving these goals was the work of the Barksdale Commission for Recovery, Rebuilding and Renewal, chaired by Jim Barksdale of Jackson. The 50-member commission was made up of leaders from around the southern half of the state and as far north as Greenwood. The makeup reflected the fact that Katrina was not just a coastal calamity.
The commission was very active, and a highlight of their work was a “Charrette,” a French word for “cart,” which in this version had morphed into a meeting of a hundred or more professional architects, engineers and other gifted designers who proposed and assessed multiple ways to rebuild and reestablish the Coast area in smart, more livable fashion.
To achieve our goals, we had to clear the debris from all the areas it covered. We removed 47 million cubic yards of debris at a cost of $717 million. More than 57,000 homes, condos or apartments were rebuilt or replaced in the first five years.
From the Charrette, ideas were born like the Mississippi Cottage, an improvement over the “FEMA trailer” which was the federal standard but was greatly inferior to the Mississippi Cottage. We were able to provide more than 3,000 families with far superior Mississippi Cottages.
Just before the Charrette began, the Legislature had finished a special session focused on Katrina and gaming.
Gaming was legal in Mississippi in counties that touch the Gulf of Mexico or the Mississippi River, if citizens chose to have it by referendum. Two coastal counties (Harrison and Hancock) had voted to have casinos in the early ’90s when the state legislation was passed.
Gaming on the Gulf Coast had become a major industry, employing more than 30,000 citizens directly or indirectly. Before Katrina it generated 6% to 9% of state general fund revenue.
Because of the requirements of the 1990s’ legislation that legalized casinos on the Coast, the casino gaming floor had to float on the Gulf of Mexico. During Katrina every casino gaming floor but one broke away and floated on shore, some by hundreds of feet. The Beau Rivage gaming floors uniquely floated by being strapped down so they could not float away.
A major issue in the special session was whether to allow the casino floors to be built resting on land. Many casino companies insisted they would not rebuild if the casino floor had to float.
Quite a number of legislators, including House Speaker Billy McCoy, opposed gaming as did most of their constituents.
Even though Coast leaders and their constituents believed the Coast would be decades rebuilding without the casinos, attracting tourists and creating jobs and revenue, allowing the on-shore change was not a sure thing.
The Senate leadership, all Republicans, did not want to go first in passing the onshore casino law. So, I had to ask Speaker McCoy to allow it to come to the House floor and pass. He realized he should put the Coast and the state’s interests first. He did so, and the bill passed 61-53, with McCoy voting “no.”
I will always admire Speaker McCoy, often my nemesis, for his integrity in putting the state first.
Many legislators stepped up strongly, not only during the special session, but through the Katrina ordeal: such as Bobby Moak, Tommy Robertson and Billy Hewes.
The Legislature could hardly have been better during Katrina. Legislators did not try to take charge. They realized the process and structure we followed was working.
A lot of state legislatures didn’t have that discipline; but led by Lt. Gov. Amy Tuck and Speaker McCoy, ours did.
State employees, from first responders, National Guard, Highway Patrol to social workers, secretaries and others were magnificent in adjusting to the remade environment.
My staff was sensational. After Aug.29th everything changed. But they adjusted overnight! They made tough decisions, while taking over new responsibilities. People like Charlie Williams, Paul Hurst, Jim Perry, Marie Sanderson and many others not only led but oversaw senior staff.
The local officials and their employees were strong and smart from the beginning, making the united command structure work extremely well.
Attached to the unified command structure were federal partners.The Bush Administration got criticized early after the storm, but the federal government did a whole lot more right than wrong. President Bush not only visited many times to check on progress, but he and his administration also favored the states and citizens on every discussion. He bent over backwards to help us, and so did the Congress.
Mississippi Sen. Thad Cochran, as chair of the Appropriation Committee of the Senate, was the biggest star for us, but fellow Mississippi Sen. Trent Lott got many crucial decisions made in our favor. Our members of Congress, both Democrat as well as Republicans, worked tirelessly for us.
And we had support from right and left in Congress, such as Democratic Massachusetts Congressman Barney Frank. Similarly, 46 of our sister states sent people or resources to help.
The American people proved again that they are the most generous in the world, and not just with money. Yes, the federal government supplied Mississippi and our companies and citizens with $25.5 billion. Tens of millions more came from companies, industries, private citizens and charities.
People gave something more valuable than money, something irreplaceable: their time. More than 960,000 people volunteered to help with the recovery; 600,000 in the first year and 360,000 in the next four years. These are the numbers of people who registered to help, work, rebuild, all of whom registered with churches, charities and organizations.
Finally, the greatest hero of Katrina, the people of Mississippi who got knocked down flat, got back up, hitched up their britches and went to work. They went to work helping themselves and helping their neighbors. Our people did more in Katrina to improve our state’s image than anything that has happened in my lifetime.
I close by saluting my wife Marsha, who spent 70 out of the first 90 days after the storm on the Coast, helping people who didn’t know how to get help. Marsha was the face that showed the state cared and was doing all it could.
Haley Barbour served as Mississippi governor from 2004 to 2012. From 1993 to 1997, he served as chairman of the Republican National Committee, In 2015, he wrote “America’s Great Storm: Leading Through Hurricane Katrina.” A native of Yazoo City, Barbour still resides in his hometown with his wife, Marsha. They have two sons and seven grandchildren.
Editor’s note: Marsha and Haley Barbour donated to Mississippi Today in 2016. Donors do not in any way influence our newsroom’s editorial decisions. For more on that policy or to view a list of our donors, click here.
Mississippi State and Southern Miss, two teams desperate for even a little football success, will open their respective seasons Saturday at The Rock in Hattiesburg. State won two games last season. USM won one. Neither won a conference game.
The good news: Somebody has to win this one.
Oddsmakers believe State is the likely victor, installing the Bulldogs as 13.5-point favorites. That seems about right. In this era of NIL and the wide-open transfer portal, the college game has become all about the dollars. From all reports, State likely spends at least 10-fold what USM spends on its football payroll, a word I hate to use in college football but it is what it is.
Nevertheless, this is an intriguing way to start the football season. We’ve got two in-state rivals who used to play every season but now get together much less frequently. We’ve got two teams with totally revamped rosters. Even the most diehard of Bulldog and Golden Eagle fans will need a program to know who is who.
Only one NCAA Division I team brought in more transfers than Southern Miss, and that was Marshall, which had to do so, mostly because Charles Huff, the new USM coach, brought so many of his Thundering Herd players with him from Marshall. Perhaps, this season, they should be called the Thundering Eagles. At last count, USM’s roster includes a whopping 63 transfers in all, 21 from Marshall.
Four of the USM transfers came from Mississippi State, including running back Jeffery Pittman and linebacker Avery Sledge, who were Bulldogs the last time these two teams played. In fact, Pittman ran 10 times for 98 yards and a huge touchdown against USM on Nov. 18, 2023, in Starkville. The final score was 41-20, but USM had closed the gap to 26-20 in the fourth quarter when Pittman took off on a 59-yard dash to the end zone to pretty much seal the deal.
At last count, Jeff Lebby and State lead the SEC in portal transfers this year with 37, including several highly rated defensive linemen and linebackers expected to plug the many holes in last season’s porous defense. We shall see.
State leads the series with USM 18-12-1, having won the last six meetings. Older fans will remember a time when the Golden Eagles were every bit as dominant if not more, winning seven straight between 1977 and 1983 and 10 of 12 between ’77 and ’88.
None of those games – before or after – was more meaningful than the 1981 game played at Mississippi Veterans Memorial Stadium before a equally divided crowd of more than 64,000. State was ranked No. 15 in the country. USM was ranked No. 20 and about to zoom higher. There was serious talent on display on both sides of the field. There was some violent hitting. Orley Hood, the Mark Twain of Mississippi journalism, later referred to it as the “limp off game” because so many players on both teams had to be helped off the field.
Emory Bellard’s Bulldogs included the late, great linebacker Johnie Cooks, who would be the second pick of the 1982 draft and who would knock you into next week. Glen Collins, another first round pick, anchored the defensive line that also included Tyrone Keys on one end and the great Billy Jackson on the other. Kent Hull, one of the great centers in football history, blocked for Michael Haddix, still another first rounder. Two-time All-SEC wide receiver Mardye McDole was another remarkable talent, the first receiver in MSU history to account for 1,000 yards receiving in a single season. And there were more. Said Reggie Collier, the truly great Southern Miss quarterback, “I have never been hit so hard in my life as I was in that game. I thought they were going to kill me.”
The Southern Miss offense featured Collier – who was Lamar Jackson before Lamar Jackson existed – and future NFL stars Sammy Winder and Louis Lipps. Defensively, nose tackle Jearld Baylis dominated the line of scrimmage on a line that also included future NFL star Richard Byrd and under-sized sack specialists Rhett Whitley and George Tillman on the ends.
Southern Miss, in a defensive struggle, prevailed by a final score of 7-6. That Southern Miss team tied Bear Bryant’s sixth-ranked Alabama Crimson Tide 13-13 earlier in the season. They ransacked Bobby Bowden and Florida State 58-14 the week after the State game. They would rise to No. 8 in the nation at one point.
It’s difficult to imagine Saturday’s State-USM matchup will equal that one for brutality or significance, but it is interesting nonetheless. And, as previously noted, somebody who really needs a victory is going to win.
For decades, this haunted piece of history — the weapon allegedly used to kill Emmett Till — lay in a wooden drawer, gathering dust.
That changed in 2004 when FBI agent Dale Killinger began reinvestigating Till’s lynching.
The longtime owner of the weapon, who asked not to be named for fear of harassment or retribution, said the FBI kept the gun “for a year almost to the day.”
On Thursday, the .45-caliber pistol that J.W. Milam is believed to have used to pistol-whip and shoot the Black Chicago teen became part of the Emmett Till Exhibit at the Mississippi Civil Rights Museum.
In World War II, Milam served as a lieutenant in the Army Air Force and brought back the Ithaca Model M1911-A1 .45-caliber pistol.
Milam and his half-brother, Roy Bryant, abducted Till from his great uncle’s home in the wee hours of Aug. 28, 1955. The white men heard that Till had reportedly wolf-whistled at Bryant’s wife Carolyn.
They took Till to a barn, where Bryant, Milam and others brutally beat him. Witnesses heard Till’s screams.
Till was beaten so badly there was talk of dropping him off at a hospital, but Milam killed him with a single bullet.
The gun owned by J.W. Milam that is believed to be the weapon used to kill Emmett Till, is on display at the Emmett Till exhibit at the Mississippi Civil Rights Museum in Jackson, Thursday, Aug. 28, 2025. Credit: Vickie D. King/Mississippi Today
An all-white jury acquitted the half-brothers of Till’s murder. They later admitted to Look magazine they had indeed killed Till, who had just celebrated his 14th birthday.
During the FBI’s investigation of the Till murder, authorities exhumed his body. X-rays revealed extensive skull fractures and metallic fragments in the skull. There were also fractures to the left femur and the left and right wrist bones. The Cook County Medical Examiner’s Office in Illinois concluded that Till died of a gunshot wound to the head.
During the autopsy, doctors found four lead fragments that experts determined were consistent with lead shot pellets. The FBI learned that the size of those pellets matched the size of the lead shot manufactured for the Army Air Force.
The longtime owner said his father was a gun collector and a friend of one of the lawyers who defended the half-brothers. He said his father got the gun from one of those lawyers around 1959 or 1960.
Years after his father died, he said his mother announced that she wanted the gun out of the house. She gave it to his sister, and from that moment on, the siblings became the gun’s owners.
The longtime gun owner said the family knew they had something of historical value, but “none of our children cared about or wanted the gun.”
In recent years, they had offers from private collectors to sell the gun, but “we didn’t want to go that route,” he said.
Instead, they decided to make the gun available to the foundation for the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, which in turn has added the weapon to the Civil Rights Museum.
The gun makes a lighted appearance during a 6-minute film about the case, narrated by Oprah Winfrey.
It’s the second such weapon in the department’s possession. The first is the .30-06 rifle used in 1963 to kill Mississippi NAACP leader Medgar Evers, which can also be seen at the museum.
The FBI’s borrowing of the gun proved fortuitous. During the year the FBI had the weapon, the longtime owner said his sister suffered a break-in during which guns were stolen.
The thief never got a shot at the .45 that changed the course of history.
From that moment forward, the gun spent its days in a safety deposit box in a bank in Greenwood, the longtime owner recalled. “It could have been lost, but the truth is, it was never hidden.”
U.S. Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith on Thursday launched her reelection campaign for a second full term by highlighting her advocacy for Mississippi farmers, fighting to overturn abortion rights and having a strong relationship with President Donald Trump.
The state’s junior U.S. senator was greeted by about 150 supporters at the Mississippi Agriculture and Forestry Museum in Jackson. They cheered when she promoted the passage of the “one big beautiful bill,” President Donald Trump-backed legislation that expanded some tax cuts and spending and slashed social safety net programs.
“The past eight months, we have delivered for the American people,” Hyde-Smith said.
The senator was flanked by U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins, who spoke in support of her. The pair visited Mississippi State University earlier in the day to announce new policy addressing the state’s veterinarian shortage.
Rollins said Hyde-Smith fights daily on Capitol Hill for farmers and the agriculture industry by ensuring federal agency leaders understand how federal regulations impact Mississippi farmers.
“She is a warrior’s warrior,” Rollins said of the senator. “She will never rest until she serves this state and this country to the very best of her ability.”
Hyde-Smith also praised the Trump administration’s stance on tax policy, heralded its efforts to increase oil drilling, and promoted her own efforts to fight for conservative social policies in Congress.
A key message she delivered on Thursday is her close relationship with Trump, who has already endorsed her reelection bid.
“I can send a text to President Trump, and he responds,” she said.
But at the event, Hyde-Smith touted some policies that likely don’t align with Trump’s agenda, most notably her disagreements with U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.
“Bobby Kennedy is going to do some really good things,” she said. “I think that he’s going to do some things that are beneficial. But when he crossed over into the line of production agriculture, we had a little dustup. I’ll be honest with you, we had a pretty big dustup over it. I told him in the beginning that when you come after the American farmer and the products that we have depended on for 50-something years, and you think you’re going to take them off the market, I’m going to be the first one through your door.”
U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins speaks during U.S. Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith’s reelection campaign launch at the Mississippi Agriculture Museum in Jackson, Miss., on Thursday, Aug. 28, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today
While the senator was not specific about the disagreement with Kennedy, she seemed to be referring to a back-and-forth she had with Kennedy in an Appropriations Committee meeting about the Cabinet secretary’s fight against certain pesticides.
According to the New York Times, Hyde-Smith told Kennedy not to interfere with the livelihood of American farmers by suggesting certain pesticides are unsafe.
Hyde-Smith also stated that the state’s agriculture sector needs to be bolstered by migrant farmworkers, as the country would “starve to death” without them. However, she emphasized that the workers should enter the country legally.
The senator also joked about riding in a truck with a member of the audience and “spotlighting” deer along a trail, something that is illegal in Mississippi.
“We didn’t spotlight that night, did we? Oh, we didn’t shoot anything. That’s it,” Hyde-Smith said.
Spotlighting is an illegal hunting technique where a hunter shines a high-powered light at a deer, causing the animal to freeze and making it easier to kill. If someone is caught shining a light at the deer at night, it can result in a hefty fine and the loss of hunting privileges. It is also illegal to intentionally shine lights at deer without shooting them.
Hyde-Smith said the audience member had a large flashlight with a “spinner” on it.
“I said, ‘I probably need to get out of this truck right now,’” Hyde-Smith said.
Even though the U.S. Senate race won’t occur until 2026, it appears Hyde-Smith’s Thursday event is a signal that she’s taking a likely competitive reelection campaign seriously.
Scott Colom, a district attorney in north Mississippi, is widely rumored to be considering a run for the Democratic nomination. U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York has said he’s looking for ways to break the GOP’s grip on Mississippi in 2026.
Ty Pinkins, a 2023 unsuccessful candidate for Mississippi Secretary of State and a 2024 unsuccessful Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate, is running as an independent.
Before she faces Colom and Pinkins, though, Hyde-Smith will have to capture the GOP nomination.
Hyde-Smith has attracted two Republican primary challengers, neither of whom has held elected office before. One of the challengers entered the race at a press conference hours before Hyde-Smith announced her reelection bid.
Mississippi Commissioner of Agriculture and Commerce Andy Gipson listens as U.S. Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith speaks during her reelection campaign launch at the Mississippi Agriculture Museum in Jackson, Miss., on Thursday, Aug. 28, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today
Andrew Scott Smith, who has a pork rinds business, calls himself the “Pigskin Politician.” The 29-year-old Florence resident announced his bid for the U.S. Senate on Thursday behind a podium set up between the William F. Winter Archives and History Building and the Two Mississippi Museums in Jackson.
Smith said he was challenging Hyde-Smith because she has become disconnected from her constituents.
Smith, who considers himself a monopoly-busting conservative in the mold of Teddy Roosevelt, said he hopes to address consolidation in the American economy through index funds. He also wants to focus on the “fiscal future” of the country by phasing out social security and federalizing the national debt.
Smith took a swipe at Hyde-Smith’s other Republican challenger: Sarah Adlakha “or however you pronounce her last name,” as Smith said in his speech.
Adlakha had already entered the race before Thursday. A physician, Adlakha says on her campaign website that she is running “to protect the values that raised her—faith, family, freedom, and hard work — by securing the border, stopping reckless spending, improving healthcare, and putting Mississippi first.”
Hyde-Smith, a Brookhaven resident, previously served in the Mississippi Senate before being elected to the statewide post of commissioner of agriculture and commerce. In 2018, former Gov. Phil Bryant appointed her to the U.S. Senate to replace Thad Cochran, who opted to retire. She has since been elected to the U.S. Senate twice.
In 2018 and 2020, Hyde-Smith defeated Democrat Mike Espy, an attorney, a former congressman and former U.S. secretary of agriculture in the Clinton administration.
Mississippi Today reporter Michael Goldberg contributed to this report.