More than a hundred people gathered Wednesday outside of We Will Go Ministries to celebrate the groundbreaking of Leonard Court near Farish Street.
The nearly $30 million project, more than four years in the making, will restore and rebuild 67 homes in the historic neighborhood located near downtown Jackson.
Dorothy Davis, Executive Director of Farish Street Community of Shalom, said she wants to see the neighborhood return to how it was when she was a child growing up in the Farish Street community.
“Everybody was so welcoming and looked after each other that that’s what I want to see again, the close knit community, and I think that’s what it’s going to be. A close knit community that says, ‘We all love each other.’ And when you have love, that’s it,” Davis said.
Gulf Coast Housing Partnership, the City of Jackson and other community partners participated in a groundbreaking ceremony on April 16 for the Leonard Court Restoration Project, a housing development which will revitalize a portion of the Farish Street Historic District. Credit: Maya Miller / Mississippi Today
The Leonard Court project includes one to four bedroom homes that will be dedicated affordable housing for residents who earn 60% of the area median income. The single family homes and duplexes will be outfitted with washers and dryers, smart thermostats and an outdoor community space.
“We’re so glad to see Gulf Coast Housing Partnership thinking enough of this community to say they’re going to build affordable housing, not housing that they’re going to throw up and people will be pushed out of the community, but bring people into the community,” she said.
Jackson Mayor Chokwe A. Lumumba said that the Leonard Court project is a sort of rebirth of the soul of Farish Street.
“When people have housing, they have a greater lease on life,” Lumumba said. “Things like crime are affected. When people feel like they have a stake in society, that helps our job market, it helps in so many areas that are important to the vitality and growth of a city.”
Mary Elizabeth Evans, vice president of development at Gulf Coast Housing Partnership, said she hopes this project will be a catalyst for residential and commercial investment.
A view of Farish Street in Jackson, Miss., on Tuesday, March 18, 2025. Credit: Eric Shelton/Mississippi Today
The New Orleans-based low-income housing developer has partnered with Mississippi Home Corporation, the Mississippi Regional Housing Authority VI, and other community partners and banks to secure funding and tax credits to ensure that the project is funded and that vouchers are available to keep the homes affordable for residents.
“The reinvestment of this area, which is almost a whole square block in the Farish Street Historic District, is a symbol of hope to the community partners and the community residents who’ve grown up in this area, who’ve lived in this area for decades and have been looking for those partnerships that can stimulate investment in the Farish Street Historic District,” Evans said.
The project will be completed in phases with the first homes ready for residents by the end of 2025 and all homes finished by summer 2026.
The Mississippi River is the nation’s most endangered river, a national conservation group says, because of federal plans to cut flood relief programs as severe weather threats grow.
American Rivers, a nonprofit environmental advocacy organization, has issued an annual list of U.S. rivers it views as most at-risk for the past 40 years. The Mississippi’s place at the top comes as communities along the lower river flooded from torrential rain in early April, and as Trump administration officials consider eliminating the Federal Emergency Management Agency, or FEMA, which helps state and local governments respond to disasters.
The list calls attention to the threats rivers face and prioritizes those for which the public can influence policies that affect their well-being, said Mike Sertle, senior director for American Rivers’ Central Region. For the Mississippi River, he said, the organization’s goal is to press the federal government to maintain a role in disaster relief, which it says is critical to safeguarding people in river communities.
“We don’t disagree that things need to be reviewed and updated,” Sertle said. “But we also see there’s importance to keeping the agency.”
FEMA assists communities during floods and other types of disasters, provides funds for recovery and oversees preparedness efforts, like its flood maps that predict risks in different areas. And it’s doing so more often today. A January 2025 report to Congress found that the average number of major disaster declarations has increased by 61% from the 1980s and 1990s, partly due to climate change.
But it has faced broad criticism for not moving quickly enough after disasters and not helping disaster survivors equally. President Donald Trump has floated the idea of dismantling the agency and in February the agency fired more than 200 of its staffers as part of Trump’s push to shrink the size and scope of the federal government. The White House did not comment on the American Rivers’ report’s criticism of these actions.
State Hwy. 35 along the Mississippi River is taken over by floodwaters April 27, 2023 in downtown Fountain City, Wisc. Credit: Mark Hoffman/Milwaukee Journal Sentinel
FEMA is especially important for coordinating flooding responses along the Mississippi River because it touches so many states on its journey to the Gulf, said Kelly McGinnis, executive director of the environmental advocacy group One Mississippi.
She and Sertle both described significant room for improvement in how FEMA operates, including speeding up timelines for getting help to communities. The American Rivers report says a more effective and efficient FEMA is critical for flood management as the cycle of drought and flooding on the Mississippi River becomes increasingly extreme.
Cuts to other federally funded flood management agencies will likely impact the Mississippi River beyond the threat to FEMA, the American Rivers report noted.
“FEMA plays a critical role in helping address issues in the aftermath of the flood,” said Alisha Renfro, coastal scientist with the National Wildlife Federation. “On the front end, it’s really about the Army Corps of Engineers and their budget is being threatened as well.”
In March, a stopgap bill to fund the federal government through Sept. 30 slashed $1.4 billion from the Army Corps of Engineers’ construction budget, which funds hurricane and flood mitigation projects.
With budget losses to both FEMA and the Army Corps, grant programs to address riverine flooding could be impacted substantially. According to FEMA, every federal dollar spent on flood mitigation yields $7 in benefits.
American Rivers’ announcement comes as states along the lower Mississippi are experiencing and bracing for flooding from heavy rains upriver. Vicksburg, Mississippi, officials are reinforcing flood walls as they wait for water to arrive. In Louisiana, the Army Corps is patrolling New Orleans levees for problems. On Monday, the new Bayou Chene floodgate was closed for the first time due to high water to protect several parishes from backwater flooding as the Atchafalaya River continues to rise.
The Mississippi has made the endangered rivers list in the recent past for other problems. In 2022, the entire river appeared on the list because of pollution and habitat loss, and in 2020, threats from climate change and development landed the upper Mississippi at number one.
The river’s continued appearances on the list show that there isn’t enough progress being made on its biggest challenges, McGinnis said.
But although the distinction may be negative, she said it’s a good excuse to put river issues in the spotlight.
“I think it’s very useful to be having these important conversations,” McGinnis said, “so we can hopefully really begin to change how we handle big rivers.”
Has a sporting event ever produced more drama than the 2025 Masters? Has any network ever displayed it better than CBS? No and no, say the Clevelands, who also opine on the sad case of former Tennessee quarterback Nico Iamaleava, Mississippi’s college baseball teams, and what the Saints should do at quarterback.
Sexually transmitted infection testing is no longer free at county health departments due to recent federal cuts to COVID-19 pandemic relief funding.
Community-based organizations and health providers that previously received free STI testing at the state’s public health laboratory through federal grant funding will now have to pay for the services or contract with a commercial lab.
The grant was part of a five-year, $1.13 billion nationwide federal investment to bolster infrastructure to support COVID-19 and STI prevention efforts. It was originally set to end in January 2026.
The cut delivers a double blow to Mississippi, which lost funding for STI services last month when the federal government froze millions of dollars of Title X funding. Title X is used to provide basic reproductive health care, including STI testing and treatment, to Mississippians.
The change will impact chlamydia, syphilis and gonorrhea testing, said Kendra Johnson, the director of communicable diseases for the Mississippi State Department of Health.
The state has been battling skyrocketing syphilis rates for over a decade and has experienced a more recent surge in congenital syphilis, which occurs when a mother passes the infection to her infant during pregnancy. Congenital syphilis is associated with serious health outcomes, including preterm deliveries and infant deaths.
Mississippi’s chlamydia and gonorrhea rates are second and fifth in the nation, respectively, but have been declining since 2020, according to Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data.
County health departments will now accept insurance for STI tests, and people without insurance will have to pay out of pocket. The agency is considering offering a discounted rate for uninsured people.
However, no one seeking STI testing will be turned away from the health department, Johnson said.
“If they don’t have the means to pay for services, we will be able to support it.”
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention pulled back $230 million in funding to the Mississippi State Department of Health in March that was originally allocated by Congress for testing and vaccination against COVID-19.
The slashed funding to the agency has impacted planned improvements to the public health laboratory, the agency’s ability to provide COVID-19 vaccinations, community health workers and preparedness efforts for emerging pathogens like H5 bird flu.
In the wake of the funding cuts, the health department was forced to make decisions about its funding priorities. Federal funding accounts for 66% of the agency’s budget.
“With limited resources, you’re kind of forced to determine how to keep things moving with what you have, and what’s necessary and what’s not,” said Johnson.
Community-based organizations and health providers were suddenly notified last Friday that agreements for free testing services were halted.
“Effective immediately, the MSDH requires your facility to cease submitting specimens to the (Mississippi Public Health Laboratory),” the April 11 letter from the Health Department stated.
Open Arms Clinic, which has locations in Jackson and Hattiesburg and seeks to make health services accessible to marginalized and underrepresented populations, was using the grant funding to support community STI testing through its mobile clinic, said President and CEO June Gipson.
The mobile clinic will now have to utilize a new funding source to continue providing free STI testing to patients.
Unchecked STIs could be devastating in Mississippi, said Gipson, who remembers the first months of the COVID-19 pandemic, when most resources and attention shifted away from HIV and STI efforts and infection rates climbed unchecked.
“You have to pay attention to STDs like you pay attention to the road,” Gipson said. “Drive for others.”
Plan A, a clinic in the Delta that provides free health care services with an emphasis on sexual and reproductive health, had been receiving free STI testing through the health department lab for about a year before it was notified of the funding cuts last week.
The increase in need paired with a sudden decrease in funding is a “brutal combination,” said Caroline Weinberg, the founder and program director of Plan A. But the clinic will work to find another funding source to ensure that patients don’t experience disruptions in services.
Plan A’s STI positivity rate is significantly higher than the state’s overall rate, Weinberg said. She hypothesizes this may be due to the clinic’s commitment to free testing, which encourages people to get tested even when they don’t have symptoms.
Gonorrhea and chlamydia often go untreated because infected people never have symptoms.
Decreased access to testing will lead to lower STI rates, but will conceal high rates of infection, Weinberg said.
“It’s going to have a longstanding ripple effect,” she added.
A spokesperson for the health department declined to say what other organizations will be impacted by the change.
The health department is not experiencing other cuts to STD or HIV health services at this time, said Johnson.
“But if you ask me that same question next week, we may have a different response.”
A federal three-judge panel on Tuesday evening ordered state officials to develop another legislative map that ensures Black voters in the DeSoto County area have a fair opportunity to elect candidates to the state Senate.
The unanimous ruling gave the all-Republican State Board of Election Commissioners seven days to propose a new map for the DeSoto County area, with the state facing a time crunch to hold special elections for numerous redrawn legislative districts in November.
The order is another setback for state officials who have fought bitterly with the plaintiffs and among each other to comply with court orders and federal redistricting law.
The panel, comprised of U.S. District Judge Daniel Jordan, U.S. District Judge Sul Ozerden and U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Leslie Southwick, previously ruled that when lawmakers redrew their districts in 2022 to account for population shifts, they violated federal civil rights law because the maps diluted Black voting power.
To remedy the violation, the court allowed the Legislature to propose a new House map redrawing House districts in the Chickasaw County area and a new Senate map redrawing districts in the DeSoto County and Hattiesburg areas.
Earlier this year, during the 2025 session, the Legislature attempted to comply with the order and tweaked those districts. However, the plaintiffs still objected to parts of the Legislature’s plan.
The plaintiffs, the state chapter of the NAACP and Black voters from around the state, did not object to the Hattiesburg portion of the Senate plan. But they argued the Chickasaw County portion of the House plan and the DeSoto County portion of the Senate plan did not create a realistic opportunity for Black voters in those areas to elect their preferred candidates.
The judges accepted the Chickasaw County redistricting portion. Still, they objected to the DeSoto County part because the Legislature’s proposed DeSoto County solution “yokes high-turnout white communities in the Hernando area of DeSoto County to several poorer, predominantly black towns in the Mississippi Delta,” which would make it hard for Black voters to overcome white voting blocs.
It’s unclear if Tuesday’s order will impact parts of the election schedule. The judges said they were committed to voters participating in November special elections, but it might change other parts of the pre-Election Day schedule.
An analysis of the results in Jackson’s Democratic primary shows that Jacksonians all but flipped the script from 2017, the last time state Sen. John Horhn and Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba faced each other in a mayoral election.
Eight years ago, Lumumba won the Democratic primary outright, avoiding a runoff by securing 55% of the vote, winning a majority of precincts and taking home more than 18,000 votes.
But on April 1, his share of the citywide vote plummeted to 17%, and he received less than 4,300 votes, placing him second to Horhn. Lumumba led just two Jackson precincts — and even there, he got less votes than he did in 2017.
Meanwhile, Horhn bested Lumumba in Jackson’s remaining precincts, led in all seven wards,and more than doubled his share of the vote from 2017 when he came in second to Lumumba. This year, Horhn took home 48%, nearly enough to avoid the runoff scheduled for April 22.
For this analysis, Mississippi Today reviewed the final precinct returns which election officials completed late last week, and pulled unofficial returns for 2017 from the Hinds County Circuit Clerk, the only precinct-level results available for that election.
Brandon Jones, the director of political campaigns at the Southern Poverty Law Center, which has not participated in this year’s mayoral race, said Horhn’s margin showed a broad coalition of voters across the city supported him — a feat considering he faced nearly a dozen opponents.
“You don’t have to be a mathlete to appreciate that’s a pretty big frontrunner heading into the runoff,” Jones said.
This is especially notable because the timing of Mississippi’s municipal elections — what Jones calls “off off-year elections” — typically favor incumbents due to low turnout.
As one explanation for these shifts, Lumumba and his campaign have argued that Horhn was buoyed by strong support in Northeast Jackson’s Ward 1, where they say Republican voters crossed over to vote in the Democratic primary.
“That’s the grand majority of his votes,” Lumumba told Mississippi Today last week, before election officials completed the final returns.
In fact, Ward 1 made up just over a quarter of Horhn’s total votes. Precincts in that northeastern portion of the city comprised a smaller share of Horhn’s total support in the recent primary than they did in 2017.
And if Ward 1 was removed from the voter pool entirely, Horhn still would have taken home 44% of the vote, while Lumumba would have done just 2 points better.
Northeast Jackson is also where Lumumba lives, though his residence falls in a unique area covered by Ward 7. He votes at Fire Station #16, where he received just 9 votes.
“Jackson is a place where all of your assumptions are proven wrong on Election Day,” Jones said.
It is true that Ward 1 was Horhn’s strongest ward. His margins over Lumumba were the highest in the city’s northeast precincts.
And Lumumba’s support in Ward 1 declined from about a third in 2017 to just 10% in this year’s primary, though that’s primarily due to the mayor’s paltry showing in three of the ward’s nine precincts: Willie Morris Library, Spann Elementary School and Casey Elementary School, which are among the highest turnout precincts in the city.
At Casey, a polling place that sits across the street from his house, Lumumba did not receive a single vote.
But in more than half of Ward 1’s precincts, Lumumba’s support — between 14% and 19% — was on par with his citywide performance, where he averaged 18% per precinct.
Jones said these numbers reflect the fact that one candidate campaigned in Ward 1 and the other 11 candidates did not.
“As a person who is trying to parse the numbers and figure out what actually happened, I see a lot of competing narratives,” Jones said. “I don’t see a lot of competing data points.”
As anecdotal evidence of Republican cross-over, Lumumba pointed to an editorial in the Northside Sun encouraging Republicans to vote in the Democratic primary, as well as the fact that Ward 1 councilman Ashby Foote, the only Republican on the city council, forewent the primary by running as an independent this year.
As far as data, Lumumba said to look at the number of total votes in last year’s presidential Republican primary in Jackson compared to the number of total votes in the Republican primary in this year’s mayoral race.
If the votes decreased, Lumumba reasons that means Republicans are crossing over.
Out of nearly 5,300 votes for mayor in Ward 1 this year, just 149 were cast in the Republican primary. Back in March of 2024, about 1,300 Ward 1 residents voted in the Republican primary for president, according to data from the Mississippi Secretary of State’s office, compared to fewer than 1,200 Ward 1 residents who voted in the Democratic primary.
Ward 1’s reputation as a “Republican ward”, though, belies the results in the November general election, where Democratic candidate Kamala Harris beat Trump 3 to 2 out of nearly 10,000 votes in northeast Jackson.
And participation in municipal Republican primaries in Jackson, which do not produce a competitive candidate, is always much lower than in national elections. In 2017, just 83 people from Ward 1 cast a vote in the Republican primary for mayor.
Byron D’Andra Orey, a political science professor at Jackson State University, said this kind of data analysis comes with a caveat because there are multiple ways to view these results.
For one, it is difficult to compare behavior in national and municipal primary elections; Republican votes matter in the former but are virtually meaningless in the latter. Because Mississippi has open primaries, Orey said it is rational for voters of any political affiliation to cast a ballot in the Democratic primary, which has historically decided the city’s next mayor.
“We need to think about what does it mean to be in a Democratic primary when Republicans do not have the strength in numbers?” he said. “If we revisit that voter — that voter is actually a Democrat on that date.”
Horhn’s win was commanding. He was just 421votes away from avoiding a runoff.
The senator even outperformed Lumumba in the five precincts where the mayor received the most votes in this election: Christ United Church in Ward 1, Timberlawn Elementary in Ward 4, and New Hope Baptist Church, Aldersgate United Methodist Church and Fire Station #26 in Ward 2.
The high-turnout precincts in Jackson’s northwestern Ward 2, where Horhn lives, voted in a way that most closely mirrors the overall electorate in the city. It’s also the area of the city Horhn serves in the Legislature and the ward Lumumba’s father Chokwe Lumumba Sr. represented on the City Council before he became mayor in 2013.
Even though it was the mayor’s strongest ward, Lumumba only received 22% of the vote there compared to Horhn’s 44%. In 2017, Lumumba received a whopping 62% of the Ward 2 vote, and Horhn got just 15%.
Still, Jones said any campaign is going to look at the data and try to find a silver lining or something to use against their opponent. But a candidate’s narrative does not change lived reality in the city: Decades of infrastructure problems, decreasing financial resources and an antagonistic state government.
Nor does it change that the mayor of Jackson may be the toughest job in the state.
“The truth is, this is a very embattled city, and the people pay the price for that,” Jones said.
Two men working as Capitol Police officers have been indicted for manslaughter in the fatal shooting of a Jackson man in 2022.
Mississippi Today has obtained a copy of the March 14 indictment, which charges Steven Frederick Jr. and Michael Lamar Rhinewalt with manslaughter in the Sept. 25, 2022, death of 25-year-old Jaylen Lewis in Hinds County.
It’s the same Frederick who resigned from Capitol Police in 2023 when he was charged with DUI after crashing a state-owned Mississippi Department of Public Safety vehicle.
Rhinewalt has been on administrative leave without pay and has not been actively employed with the agency since January of 2025. according to Bailey C. Martin, spokesperson for the Mississippi Department of Public Safety.
Frederick and Rhinewalt reportedly told investigators that one of them shot Lewis in self-defense after Lewis drove his car toward them. According to the indictment, Frederick and Rhinewalt said this killing “was necessary to protect himself from great bodily harm or death at the hands of Lewis,” but the indictment concluded that was “not a reasonable belief under the circumstances.”
The state attorney general’s office presented the case to the Hinds County grand jury, which indicted the officers.
Upon hearing of the indictment Tuesday, Lewis’ mother, Arkela, said, “I could jump up for joy.”
Capitol Police never explained why her son was shot in the head during a traffic stop on East Main Street, and she never received a copy of the autopsy report, she said. “I haven’t received anything. Nothing at all.”
The woman who was riding with her son told her that the officer was walking toward them with his gun drawn, she said. “My son screamed out, ‘It’s the police.’ He froze. That’s when the shots were fired.”
This screen shot shows Capitol Police officer Steven Frederick, left, being arrested by an unidentified Covington County County deputy on a DUI charge on March 12, 2023, after crashing his vehicle and tested at almost twice the blood alcohol content limit.. Credit: Courtesy of Mississippi Highway Patrol
On March 12, 2023, Frederick, who has been dating Rankin County Sheriff Bryan Bailey’s daughter Alexis, totaled his state vehicle. After a breathalyzer test, the trooper said over the radio that Frederick had a blood alcohol level of 0.15, nearly twice the legal limit of 0.08, according to the Mississippi Highway Patrol video. The ticket listed the level as 0.12.
He initially told the trooper he was “trying to clear my head” and had only two beers, but he later admitted he had been drinking liquor, according to Highway Patrol videos obtained by Mississippi Today.
Frederick arrived at the Covington County Jail at 11:49 p.m. Less than an hour later, Covington County Sheriff Darrell M. Perkins ordered Frederick released without bond to Bailey. Afterward, Frederick resigned from the Capitol Police.
Authorities have learned that after the accident, Bailey allegedly contacted a prosecutor, asking what would happen if a trooper didn’t appear for a DUI hearing. The prosecutor replied that, if the trooper failed to appear, the case would be dismissed.
That’s exactly what happened on Aug. 9. The trooper failed to appear, and Covington County Justice Court Judge Bobby Wayne Mooney dismissed the case.
Authorities have also learned that after the accident, Bailey reportedly telephoned Frederick’s supervisor and said that the DUI had been “taken care of” and that Frederick should keep his job, but the supervisor refused to do so.
The Scott County Sheriff’s Department confirmed Tuesday that Frederick works there. He could not be reached for comment, and Rhinewalt’s family said they could not discuss the matter. Bailey previously declined to respond to requests for comment.
Public Safety Commissioner Sean Tindell, whose office is over Capitol Police, said his office would continue to monitor the matter. “It’s a pending criminal matter, so there’s not much I can say,” he said.
In an emailed statement, Martin said DPS has established an Internal Affairs Division to further strengthen accountability that operates independently of other agencies within department and reports directly to Tindell.
“This division includes dedicated investigators tasked with independently handling complaints of officer misconduct. In addition, Capitol Police officers now wear body cameras and additional policies have been instituted to ensure greater professionalism and accountability, Martin said.
Anyone wishing to file a complaint can do so at www.dps.ms.gov.
Updated 4/15/24: This story has been updated to clarify Rhinewalt’s status with the Capitol Police and to include what steps DPS is taking.
The Department of Justice on Tuesday voluntarily dismissed its civil lawsuit against the Mississippi State Senate over allegations that the legislative body paid a Black attorney less money than her white colleagues.
Court documents did not specify a reason for the dismissal, and a Justice Department spokesperson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Mississippi Attorney General Lynn Fitch’s office helped defend the Senate in the litigation. MaryAsa Lee, a spokesperson for Fitch, told Mississippi Today in a statement that the “state is pleased” with the dismissal.
Kristie Metcalfe, who is Black, worked as a staff attorney for the Senate’s Legislative Services Office from December 2011 to November 2019. Metcalfe’s starting salary was $55,000, while other Senate staff attorneys were paid $95,550 to $121,800, according to the lawsuit.
Lawyers for the office draft legislation and handle other legal questions for the individual 52 senators.
According to court documents, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission investigated Metcalfe’s claims and found reasonable cause that the state discriminated against her based on race.
Current Gov. Tate Reeves was the leader of the Senate when he served as lieutenant governor from January 2012 until January 2020, the bulk of the period during which Metcalfe worked in the Senate.
The state in court briefings did not dispute that Metcalfe was paid less than her white colleagues. But it argued that Metcalfe was exempt from federal civil rights laws and that the lawsuit shouldn’t proceed because of a litigation freeze implemented by President Donald Trump’s administration.
The Department of Justice initially filed the lawsuit last year in the waning days of former President Joe Biden’s administration. After Trump took office, his Justice Department ordered the Civil Rights Division to halt most of its work and review its current cases.
