OurTupelo

The mobilization effort was swift once it became clear that Black Georgians stood to lose political representation.

LaTosha Brown and other voting rights advocates sprang into action after Georgia Republican Gov. Brian Kemp on May 13 called a special session to redraw the state’s congressional and legislative maps in ways that could erode Black voters’ ability to shape election outcomes.

“Ultimately, pain births new possibilities,” said Brown, the co-founder of Black Voters Matter. “What we’re experiencing right now are possibilities, and we have to shift from seeing ourselves just as citizens of this nation and start seeing ourselves as mothers of the new nation — we’re the architects.”

By the time lawmakers prepared to convene on June 17, tensions had reached a fever pitch. Hundreds gathered at the Georgia State Capitol carrying signs reading “Protect Black Voters” and “Reject Racist Redistricting,” among other things. Then, a few hours before the session was set to begin, Republican leaders scrapped their redistricting plans. They cited administrative challenges, while advocates hailed the outcome as proof that public scrutiny could shift the political landscape.

It was a rare win for Black Americans following the U.S. Supreme Court’s April 29 decision that weakened the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and opened the door for Republican lawmakers across the South to erase heavily Black districts. Into this rapidly changing environment have stepped advocates determined to keep the country from further chipping away at voting rights.

Based in Atlanta and born in Selma, Alabama, Brown is a daughter of the South and carries with her the history of the region’s long and ongoing fight over the ballot.

While no single strategy will be a silver bullet, there’s been renewed focus on several fronts: state Voting Rights Acts to preserve protections on a more local level, youth-led movements to ramp up public pressure, and grassroots organizing to help voters navigate an increasingly fraught election system.

These efforts are meant to address the uncertainty plaguing many Black Americans not because they lack resolve, but because the scale of recent setbacks has left them concerned about what happens next.

Like Brown and others, Democratic Maryland Gov. Wes Moore sees the fight as only just beginning. He has watched Maryland become part of the broader redistricting struggle — a crisis that he has described as “the greatest form of political redlining we’ve seen in generations” — though Democratic lawmakers’ attempts to redraw the state’s congressional map and counter Republican gains elsewhere have stalled.

“I look at what’s happening right now as the early innings of a much larger battle that we’re now engaging,” he told Capital B.

Passing state voting rights acts

Royce Duplessis could sense where things were headed.

In March, as the Supreme Court prepared to decide a case that advocates feared would further weaken the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Louisiana state senator and dozens of his colleagues introduced legislation to create a state Voting Rights Act, one that would maintain legal protections if the federal ones were walked back.

“We don’t know how the Supreme Court is going to rule, but that doesn’t take away our rights and responsibilities as a state to say where we stand,” Duplessis said. 

His bill died in committee. And weeks later, the Supreme Court handed down a decision that dramatically undercut the federal Voting Rights Act — the very possibility Duplessis had been anticipating.

Despite this setback, his effort illustrates one of the strategies gaining traction in the wake of the court’s decision: crafting state Voting Rights Acts. The logic of this legislation is straightforward. Since state laws aren’t tied to the fate of federal laws, states can develop their own safeguards if federal courts erode national protections, providing voters with additional ways to challenge racially discriminatory maps and election systems.

Ten states have already enacted their own Voting Rights Acts, according to tracking by many election law groups: New Jersey (2026), Maryland (2026), Colorado (2025), Minnesota (2024), Connecticut (2023), New York (2022), Virginia (2021), Oregon (2019), Washington (2018), and California (2002).

LISTEN: Rep. Summers: With U.S. Supreme Court likely to dismantle Voting Rights Act, Mississippi lawmakers push for state version

That number could rise in the near future. In June, the Delaware Senate passed the Delaware Voting Rights Act, after the state House did the same earlier that month. The bill now heads to Democratic Gov. Matt Meyer for his signature. Black Delawareans make up about a quarter of the state population, according to Census Bureau data.

Minnesota offers another glimpse of how quickly some states have responded to the weakening of federal voting rights protections. Lawmakers there approved a state Voting Rights Act after the 8th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals severely limited who can sue under the federal Voting Rights Act.

Minnesota state Sen. Bobby Joe Champion, who helped to draft the legislation and has roots in former Jim Crow territories, said that Minnesota was responding to a need that the federal government had refused to satisfy.

“Usually,” he told Capital B in the days after the Minnesota Voting Rights Act was enacted, “you get rid of protections when there’s been improvement, when you can conclude that a particular need no longer exists. But that’s not the case. It’s not even close.”

Geography is the greatest obstacle to circulating this approach. The states where Black voting power faces the steepest hurdles are in the South — the very region where Republican lawmakers have shown little appetite for strengthening voting rights protections.

Still, advocates argue that state Voting Rights Acts represent one of the most promising paths forward in a post-April 29 world.

“At the LDF, we’re pushing for state Voting Rights Acts across the country,” Janai Nelson, the president and director-counsel of the Legal Defense Fund, said hours after the Supreme Court’s decision. “We’ll use that tool where possible and be as aggressive as we can in trying to get them passed in even the most unlikely states — like Louisiana, Mississippi, and other states known for their rampant racial discrimination.”

Bolstering youth-led activism

In 1965, players in the American Football League boycotted the league’s All-Star Game after many of the Black players confronted racism in New Orleans. Ultimately, the league’s officials relocated the game to Houston, an outcome that illustrated the political power athletes possess when they join together.

That episode came to mind for Omar Wasow, a political scientist at the University of California, Berkeley, in the weeks after the NAACP called on Black athletes to reconsider playing at schools in the South, giving fresh attention to the potential of youth to influence politics.

“Athletes have leverage most activists can only dream of — attention, moral standing, and, in the South especially, a grip on a multibillion-dollar engine that schools and states can’t easily replace,” Wasow, whose research has focused on civil rights protests, told Capital B.

The NAACP has framed its campaign, “Out of Bounds,” in similar terms.

“Across the South, Black athletes have helped build some of the most profitable college athletic programs in America, generating hundreds of millions of dollars in annual revenue,” the NAACP said when announcing its boycott, adding, “Universities can’t actively recruit Black athletes without also advocating for their civil rights.”

NAACP President and CEO Derrick Johnson has described some universities in the South as attempting “to reinstitute a sharecropping reality.”

The strategy also mirrors a longer tradition of youth-led advocacy, Wasow said. During the 1963 Children’s Crusade in Birmingham, Alabama, more than 1,000 students skipped school to gather at 16th Street Baptist Church and challenge racial segregation. The images of officers setting police dogs on the children and turning fire hoses on them enraged observers, helping to galvanize federal support for the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

That advocacy is being revived in another way, too. This summer, the Southern Black Girls and Women’s Consortium launched its Joy and Justice Tour, an initiative focusing on Black girls and women and combining celebration with civic engagement across the South.

Wasow said that earlier youth-centered movements succeeded at least in part because they blended moral urgency with a clear, concrete objective, and athletes today have that same power to dramatize an injustice.

Whether the NAACP’s campaign will yield fruit — or prove replicable throughout the South — remains to be seen. Wasow cautioned that today’s advocates face a more complicated target than their predecessors.

“Birmingham and New Orleans had visible, immediate grievances and a feasible ask, while gerrymandering is structural and slow,” Wasow said. “The movement’s task is to connect the leverage — who plays where — to a demand concrete enough that withholding it can actually move a legislature or a court.”

Additionally, advocates ought to be prepared for resistance.

“They should expect counter-mobilization — the ‘keep politics out of sports’ backlash — so the tactics likely to be most persuasive are disciplined, nonviolent, and morally legible,” Wasow said.

For Calvin Joyner, an educator in Charleston, South Carolina, that challenge is precisely why this moment matters for young people, especially athletes.

“Right now is the perfect time for them to step up and really get involved in their communities,” he told Capital B. “A lot of what happens within our districts — within our towns, cities, and states — it ultimately affects them and their futures.”

Protecting every ballot

In the spring of 2024, more than 6,000 voters in Alabama’s brand-new, heavily Black congressional district received postcards incorrectly telling them that they resided in a different district. This happened right as they were about to vote in one of the most consequential contests in years.

Election officials explained the error as a software glitch and said that voters ultimately were allowed to cast the correct ballots. But to advocates, who drew attention to the issue and made sure that it was remedied, the episode was yet another reminder of how easily confusion and misinformation can serve as barriers to the franchise.

One of the most immediate responses to the Supreme Court’s April decision might also be the oldest one: help people to vote anyway. Unlike trying to pass legislation, this strategy doesn’t depend on sympathetic lawmakers and as a result can be replicated anywhere.

For Shayla Mitchell, who coordinates election-protection efforts in Alabama, this work means spending numerous hours helping voters to understand everything from where they can vote to what identification they need to cast a ballot to what they should do if something goes sideways at the polls. In May, she contributed to an in-person convening in downtown Montgomery, where attendees learned about supporting safe, fair, and peaceful elections in their communities.

“Local means vocal,” she told Capital B, underscoring the necessity of vigilant grassroots organizing and poll monitoring. “This is how we hold the line here.”

She noted that election issues aren’t always dramatic — such as a mob storming the U.S. Capitol. Sometimes, the issue is a ballot being misprinted, a polling site unexpectedly being moved, or a location not being accessible to voters with disabilities. But these seemingly small issues can have a major impact, she explained, especially if they discourage people from exercising their fundamental right to vote.

“These things deter voters from participating, and they’re things that can happen so quietly that people don’t understand the impact on the community,” Mitchell said.

Local poll monitoring might only grow in importance in the months ahead. The Trump administration announced earlier this year that it’s considering rolling back a federal election observer program. The program, created under the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and launched the following year, sent some 1,000 federal observers to states with histories of racial discrimination in 2012. 

The administration didn’t respond to Capital B’s request for comment.

Victoria Wenger, counsel at the Legal Defense Fund, acknowledged the extreme limitations of relying on local organizations to fill the void.

“At the end of the day, there are never going to be enough resources within the nonpartisan, 501(c)(3), nonprofit space to truly match the need when it comes to protecting our elections,” she told Capital B.

Even so, she added, the stakes of elections are too great to make no effort to fill gaps.

“The clock expires on elections,” she said, explaining that once Election Day is over, opportunities to correct problems become far more limited. “There are no re-dos.”

Capital B is a local and national nonprofit news organization that produces in-depth journalism on topics of crucial importance to Black people across the country, such as politics, health, criminal justice, the environment, and rural issues.  

This story was completed with support from the Solutions Journalism Network.

Stuart Stevens for decades was one of the top Republican political strategists and he ran campaigns for dozens of congressional, senatorial, gubernatorial and presidential campaigns. But the Mississippi native left the party over President Trump and says, “There is no Republican party … it has turned into the pro-tariffs party.” Stevens says the GOP these days, “in many ways is to the left of the Democratic Party.” The author of the New York Times bestseller “It Was All a Lie” and numerous other books also gives his take on Mississippi’s upcoming midterm elections, how Sen. Roger Wicker is doing as armed services chair and even takes a couple of digs at former Ole Miss Coach Lane Kiffin.

California’s reading scores have been improving since the state invested billions in changing how students learn to read. In 2013, California ranked 47th nationally for fourth-grade reading skills. The state then introduced a new English language arts framework focusing on phonics and vocabulary. The biggest investment came in 2023 with $500 million for literacy coaches. However, a shortage of coaches is hindering progress. Some districts struggle to hire them, especially in rural areas. Despite challenges, schools like Tracy Elementary have seen significant improvements in reading scores by effectively using literacy coaches.

It’s not quite the “Mississippi Miracle,” but California’s reading scores have been inching upwards since the state poured billions into changing the way students learn to read. A shortage of literacy coaches, however, may be preventing students from improving even more.

In 2013, before California overhauled its literacy program in K-12 schools, the state ranked 47th nationally for fourth grade reading skills on the National Assessment of Educational Progress, known as the Nation’s Report Card. Only 27% of students scored “proficient” or “advanced” on the reading test, given every two years to students across the country.

The following year California released a new English language arts framework that encourages schools to focus on phonics, vocabulary and other nuts-and-bolts methods when teaching children to read. Phonics-based instruction won’t become mandatory until next year, but most schools have been gradually adopting the method.

Next came new curriculum materials, a dyslexia screener and updates to teacher credential programs. The state also expanded transitional kindergarten and implemented new guidelines for English learners.

But perhaps the biggest literacy investment came in 2023 with $500 million in grants set aside for schools to hire literacy coaches and take other steps to boost reading skills. The coaches – typically, former classroom teachers with extra training in reading – work directly with teachers to help them effectively teach children to read. Last year the state added $215 million, and the most recent budget includes an additional $350 million for literacy coaches.

Mississippi, whose reading scores went from 49th in the country in 2013 to 9th in 2024, partially credits the turnaround to literacy coaches and other teacher training tactics. Mississippi’s reading framework is similar to California’s, but Mississippi invested heavily in training teachers to implement it, while California rolled out its training program over several years.

Reading scores inch up

California’s reading scores have improved gradually – but significantly – since 2013. Last year, California ranked around the middle of the pack nationwide, with 13 states scoring higher and the rest scoring the same or lower. This happened at the same time that national scores began falling.

On statewide tests, the number of fourth graders reading at grade level jumped from 40% in 2014 to 46% last year. Before the pandemic, the percentage was close to 50%, dropped a few points when schools switched to remote learning, but has been inching back up since then.

Fourth grade is a key benchmark for literacy because by fifth grade, students need reading skills sufficient to understand other subjects such as history and science. Students who aren’t proficient readers by fourth grade are more likely to lag academically in other subjects. Studies have found that adults with low literacy skills are more likely to be unemployed, incarcerated or face other challenges.

Sarah Novicoff, a researcher at the Public Policy Institute of California, conducted a study that found that California’s literacy investments have paid off – with a caveat.

“They’ve absolutely had a positive impact,” Novicoff said. “But we have an opportunity to do an even better job.”

Novicoff found that nearly 60% of school districts used their grant money to hire literacy coaches to work with teachers, reading specialists to work directly with students, or otherwise arranged for teacher training related to literacy.

School districts that made those investments saw significant improvements in reading scores, including among English learners, she found. Results varied by district, but in general students scored 6 points higher on state tests within two years of the investments, she found. She expects the scores to rise further over time.

Some districts struggle to hire literacy coaches

But plenty of school districts hired no literacy coaches. Not because they didn’t want to, but because there were none to hire. In fact, 42% of districts said they had trouble hiring coaches.

“I’d love to hire a literacy coach,” said Patricia Gunderson, superintendent of the Lassen County Office of Education. “It’s great the state is offering the money, but we just can’t do it. We don’t have the capacity.”

In remote and rural parts of the state, finding literacy coaches has proved to be nearly impossible – and has hindered improvement, Novicoff found. For example, Lassen County, along the northern Nevada border, can barely find enough credentialed teachers, let alone education professionals with advanced specialty degrees. And even if schools could hire literacy coaches, they couldn’t find enough substitutes to fill in for teachers undergoing training.

But Lassen has been creative in finding ways to boost literacy. In 2023, for example, it held a weeklong summer training course for teachers, where teachers were paid to learn the new curriculum and the course didn’t interrupt the school year. Gunderson said it was a big success; state reading test scores jumped more than 7 percentage points, although still lag behind the state average.

In Siskiyou County, along the Oregon border, county superintendent Allan Carver said he welcomes the state’s investment in literacy coaches, but it’s created another problem: Teachers are opting to become literacy coaches, possibly because it’s less stressful or pays a bit more, leaving vacancies in the classroom.

“We work to solve one issue and further exacerbate the teacher shortage,” Carver said. “We have to develop the literacy coach pipeline before we simply allocate funds and expectations for training.”

In Baldwin Park, in the San Gabriel Valley, principal Laura Rodriguez said literacy coaches have been instrumental in turning around her school’s reading scores. Using state grant money, Tracy Elementary has added a literacy coach who works closely with the school’s teachers, aides and reading specialist.

The literacy coach, Claudia Barba, holds workshops for teachers and parents, trains the aides, assesses the students, analyzes data, and gives feedback to teachers. She’s also devised a literacy plan that looks closely at the causes for the low scores and specifically addresses the reasons.

“She is amazing,” Rodriguez said. “I’ve seen such a difference since we started this. It has changed our campus.”

Tracy Elementary, a Spanish-English dual immersion school, is mostly low-income. More than 30% of students are English learners. The literacy plan teaches children to read in Spanish first, then English, by focusing on vocabulary and phonics in both languages. By third grade, when the state first tests students’ reading skills, students are fairly fluent readers in both languages.

In just two years, after hiring the literacy coach, Tracy’s reading scores jumped more than 10 percentage points. Even English learners saw their scores significantly increase. Other metrics also improved: Chronic absenteeism dropped from 44% just after the pandemic to 11% last year. Math scores are increasing, too.

“Literacy is the key to everything. If a child can read, they can access knowledge. They start to enjoy school,” Rodriguez said. “They can get a better education.”

This story was originally published by CalMatters and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

The Atlantic hurricane season runs from June 1 to Nov. 30, meaning Mississippians should prepare now if they haven’t already. While the threat is the most prominent on the Coast, a hurricane or tropical storm has impacted most counties in the last 10 years, according to NOAA storm data.

In May, NOAA announced it was predicting a “below-normal” Atlantic hurricane season for 2026. Experts with the agency forecast between three and six total hurricanes and one and three major events, which are Category 3 (wind speeds over 110 miles per hour) and above. 

But NOAA also emphasized the uncertainty in predicting hurricane seasons and the importance of being prepared for the worst regardless of forecasts.

Click here to view NOAA’s hurricane tracker for the latest updates.

Resources:

• Preparing for hurricanes: For general tips on how to prepare – such as what to pack and how to stay alert – visit the Mississippi Emergency Management Agency’s online hurricane guide. The Federal Emergency Management Agency also has a guide on its website. 
• Evacuations: The Mississippi Department of Transportation’s Hurricane Preparedness Guide details evacuation routes and contraflow plans. 
• Floods: Use FEMA’s flood map tool to see what your risk is and if you live in a flood zone. 
• Shelters: For information on shelters, contact your county emergency director (their phone number can be found here). During storm events, MEMA will post addresses of active shelters on its website. The American Red Cross also helps manage shelters and can be reached through their chapters in Mississippi. 
• Home mitigation: Homeowners in the state’s three coastal counties (Hancock, Harrison and Jackson) who receive insurance policies from the Mississippi Windstorm Underwriting Association (also known as the “wind pool”) can apply for grants of up to $10,000 to fortify their houses against future storms. 

FAQ:

What supplies do I need?

Every family in the state should have a disaster supply kit, including non-perishable food (enough for three to seven days), water for drinking and sanitation (the rule of thumb is a gallon per day per person), flashlights, batteries, a first aid kit and medicine, MEMA says. Other important items include: 

• A list of emergency contacts
• Sanitary, toiletry and personal hygiene supplies
• Prescription medicine
• Cash
• Weather radio
• Copies of important documents such as IDs, bank statements, deeds, insurance policies and a weatherproof container to store them in. 

MEMA’s full emergency supply checklist is available here. FEMA has its own supply kit list here.

How do I prepare my home before a storm?

NOAA recommends the following steps to secure your home before a storm hits: Cover windows, trim tree limbs around your house, secure your door, put away loose outdoor items, and move your vehicle to a safe location if possible. 

What should I do if an evacuation order is issued?

It’s important to be prepared before an evacuation order is issued: Fill up your gas, have cash on hand, plan for a place to stay (whether with family, at a shelter or at a hotel) and review your local evacuation route. Make a plan for any pets you have ahead of time, as most shelters won’t allow them. 

When an evacuation is ordered, look for directions from your local officials. Refer to MDOT’s hurricane guide for evacuation routes (you can also download MDOT’s free mobile app for updates). Don’t rely on your phone’s GPS. 

In case of major storms, state officials may implement contraflow measures along Interstates 55 and 59 to assist evacuating residents in Louisiana. See MDOT’s hurricane guide for more information. 

The state recommends tuning into these FM public radio stations to stay alert:

• Biloxi – 90.3
• Bude – 88.9
• Meridian – 88.1
• Jackson – 91.3
• Greenwood – 90.9

How do I stay safe after a storm hits?

Nearly half of hurricane fatalities occur after the storm, according to NOAA. If you’ve evacuated, only return home when local officials say it’s safe to do so. Avoid floodwaters (including while driving), downed power lines and debris such as nails or broken glass. 

If you’ve lost power, officials recommend using a flashlight instead of a candle to avoid risk of fire or explosion. If you’re using a generator, do so safely: Do not use them indoors, in your garage or in any partly enclosed area. Keep generators at least 20 feet away from your home. 

If you smell gas or suspect a leak, open all windows and immediately leave your home. Notify the gas company or local authorities. 

I need shelter. Where should I go?

Each county has a full or part-time emergency management program appointed by the local government. For information on shelters, you should contact your county emergency director (their phone number can be found here).

During storm events, MEMA will post addresses of active shelters on its website. The American Red Cross also helps manage shelters and can be reached through their chapters in Mississippi. 

What is an “El Niño” and how does it impact hurricanes?

An “El Niño” and a “La Niña” are part of a global climate pattern that shifts every few years, where jet streams from the Pacific Ocean change direction and can affect the national weather outlook. 

During an El Niño – which we’re already seeing this year – the Pacific Ocean is warmer and sends wetter conditions to the Southeast. But the phenomenon is also linked to weaker hurricane conditions in the Atlantic Ocean. NOAA announced in June that an El Niño had developed and is poised to intensify. 

What do I do with my pets?

State officials recommend planning for pets’ safety well in advance. Many shelters and hotels don’t allow pets, so identify ahead of time where you can bring pets before a storm hits. Other preparations include microchipping your pets, keeping vaccination records on-hand, having your veterinarian’s contact information as well as enough food and water to last three to seven days. Click here for a full list of tips. 

How do I stay informed about incoming storms?

Residents have multiple ways to stay informed about incoming hurricanes or other storms:

• Ensure that your phone receives Wireless Emergency Alerts, which local authorities use to notify residents about extreme weather and other dangers. 
• Download the FEMA or MEMA mobile app.
• Buy a weather radio. Costs range from about $30 to $60 at large retail businesses like Walmart as well as sporting goods and hardware stores.
• Listen to or read local news providers. 

What is the difference between a tropical storm warning and a watch?

Officials issue a storm “watch” 48 hours ahead of a possible storm. A “warning” is issued 36 hours ahead of expected storm impacts. 

What about insurance?

Know what’s included in your insurance policies, especially homeowner’s insurance, to determine what is and isn’t protected. Flood insurance, for instance, is purchased separately. Policy holders can request an insurance “checkup” with their agent to ensure their policy covers the full cost of rebuilding their home. 

If your property received damage and you need to file a claim, the state recommends the following:

• Take photos or videos of the damage. 
• Keep all receipts for emergency repairs. 
• Talk to your insurance agent before making permanent repairs. 
• If you can’t stay at your home, make sure to keep on hand documents with your insurance information and a list of damaged property. 

See the Mississippi Department of Insurance’s post-disaster guide for more information. 

Do you have other questions? Share them with us here. 

Eleven years and one day after his son Jeffrey died of an opioid fentanyl overdose, James Moore stood in a purple-lit Hattiesburg auditorium and welcomed hundreds of people to his annual celebration called “A Tribute to Courage and Recovery.”

Moore didn’t center the event around himself or his family. He only shared a couple quick stories about Jeffery, lasting about three minutes. And he told stories that carried deep, universal messages.

The recovery advocate and bike shop owner talked about giving his then-6-year-old son a small Schwinn, one that had grown rusty over decades. At first, Jeffrey didn’t want the bike. But then, he and his father repainted the frame, replaced the wheels and added a little glitter. After two days, the child learned to love it.

“Sometimes, we need to look beyond the surface to see the value in something,” he said to the audience, which included dozens of people in addiction treatment and recovery. “And to see that value, we have to invest ourselves into finding that value.”

Those lines could have been advice for Mississippi politicians, had they attended, as they manage hundreds of millions of national opioid settlement dollars for the state: Invest the money for, and with the perspectives of, the overlooked Mississippians who’ve suffered most from the opioid epidemic. I’ve spent the last year trying to figure out whether that’s actually happening.

Now, we’re sharing some of that reporting through an exciting new project. Deep South Today, Mississippi Today’s parent company, is launching its first narrative podcast series, one that tells a comprehensive story of the settlements. It’s called “Black Box.” The podcast is a collaboration the audio production company Goat Rodeo.

The story’s origins start years ago. In the late 2010s, as the country’s top doctors were calling the epidemic the public health crisis of our time, every state and the District of Columbia filed lawsuits against over a dozen companies. The states accused the companies of using dangerous business practices around prescription opioid painkillers, catalyzing the worst drug epidemic in American history. Jeffrey was one of the over 10,000 Mississippi victims who lost their lives to the epidemic.

Many lawsuits the states filed reached settlements. As the companies’ penance for this public health catastrophe, they are expected to pay over $58 billion to address the epidemic they contributed to. Mississippi is receiving about $430 million of that, in periodic payments throughout this decade and the next. The payouts are split between the state government and many of the state’s towns, cities and counties.

I first called Moore in May 2025, roughly three years after Mississippi received its first payment. Because of the tragedy that struck Moore’s family and the recovery activism he’s done in the community, I thought he would know what’s going on.

But he didn’t. Moore asked me to look into it. A few weeks later, I learned and told him that supervisors of his home Forrest County had quietly already used a big chunk of that money – some for a court addiction treatment program, and some for police surveillance equipment. They didn’t advertise this spending or ask people like Moore what they thought.

Within a few months, I learned Forrest was one of the few cities or counties that tried using settlement money to address addiction. And as of last summer, state lawmakers hadn’t spent any of the money they controlled on anything other than attorneys’ fees. Money was in Mississippi, but despite hard-fought legal battles, less than 1% was being spent to combat the ongoing public health epidemic. Every other state has done more to address addiction with their settlement share.

As a health reporter at Mississippi Today, I’ve tried to learn how Mississippi’s been managing its opioid settlement dollars. I’ve written dozens of stories about who controls the money, how it’s being used and what’s going to happen next.

Each story is a small piece that can start to answer these broad questions. But by themselves, they’re only fragments of a bigger story. Goat Rodeo partnered with Mississippi Today to help stitch these pieces together and bring them to life.

We focus on how Mississippi is making spending decisions. Those who’ve struggled with opioid addiction, as companies profited from prescribed painkillers, aren’t in the driver’s seat. State and local elected officials get the final say, even as some of them have said they don’t know how to use the money responsibly.

Victims of the opioid epidemic and their families have thoughts about how to spend this money responsibly. We feature a lot of their ideas in the podcast series. In March, Drew Hawkins led a great project with Gulf States Newsroom to spotlight their perspectives, as well. Research says many of the ideas we both heard could prevent more deaths. But no one is making the powerful people managing Mississippi’s money listen to the victims.

Moore found that out recently. Following the advice of Attorney General Lynn Fitch, the Legislature stopped short of requiring for more Mississippi opioid settlement money be spent to address addiction. He then invited the lawmakers most involved with the bill to “A Tribute to Courage and Recovery.”

It was uncomfortable to bring politics into the event, Moore told me. But he thought it was important for the decision makers to hear from some of the Mississippi opioid epidemic victims they represent.

The politicians didn’t show up. One said he never got the invite. I don’t know why the others didn’t attend. The service was beautiful and heartbreaking, and few of us made it through the end with dry eyes.

It won’t be the last opportunity to hear the perspectives of people who’ve struggled with opioid addiction. “Black Box” will offer that opportunity. I hope those same powerful Mississippians Moore invited to his tribute take some time to listen to our series.

That said, “Black Box” isn’t made specifically for politicians. Mississippi Today and Goat Rodeo wrote it with Mississippi’s opioid epidemic victims in mind. We want to honor the over 10,000 people who will never be able to listen to it. While working on episodes, I’ve often reflected on the Mother Jones quote, “Pray for the dead, and fight like hell for the living.”

For those who’ve lost loved ones or struggled with addiction themselves, I hope you like “Black Box.” It’s for you. 

Tropical Storm Bertha strengthened in the Gulf of Mexico on Tuesday but was expected to weaken as it chugs closer to the U.S., potentially bringing coastal flooding and heavy rain from the Florida Panhandle through southern Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana.

Those areas along the northern Gulf Coast were under a tropical storm warning through Wednesday and could see heavy rain and flooding into Thursday morning, the Miami-based National Hurricane Center said Tuesday. New Orleans was under a tropical storm watch.

The storm was about 90 miles south-southwest of Panama City, Florida, and 125 miles southeast of Mobile, Alabama, and moving northwest at 5 mph with maximum sustained winds of 60 mph, the hurricane center said Tuesday. Gradual weakening was forecast Wednesday through Friday.

A tropical storm warning, meaning the conditions are expected within the warning area within 36 hours, was in effect from the Florida and Alabama border to the Terrebonne-Lafourche Parish Line in Louisiana.

Authorities open sites to distribute sandbags

Authorities in Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida opened sites to provide sandbags to residents while red flag warnings were posted along some beaches advising swimmers about the dangers of rip tides.

In Orange Beach, Alabama, double red flags were hoisted on beaches Tuesday morning to indicate that the Gulf waters were closed for swimming because of dangerous rip currents and surf.

The storm was expected to diminish as it moves along the coast, said Jamie Rhome of the hurricane center. It’s possible that the worst of the storm will stay offshore, he said Tuesday.

Bertha was expected to weaken further as it pushes into Texas, forecasters said.

Forecasts called for as much as 2 to 4 inches of rain from western Florida to the southern Louisiana coastline, with higher amounts in some scattered areas.

That could cause flash flooding in some urban areas.

Authorities also advised that areas in Louisiana from the mouth of the Mississippi River to the Alabama-Mississippi state line could see storm surges of up to 4 feet. Parts of Florida and Alabama could see smaller surges.

Bertha is the second tropical storm of the Atlantic hurricane season

Bertha is the second tropical storm of the Atlantic hurricane season. Tropical Storm Arthur last month brought heavy rainfall to the southeastern U.S.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration expects this year to see a below-average Atlantic hurricane season although that doesn’t eliminate the chances of a catastrophic storm.

Bertha could dump heavy rain on coastal areas of Mississippi that are still recovering from flooding brought by Arthur that destroyed and damaged homes in June.

“Because of that, people are definitely paying attention, or at least you would hope so,” said Jeff Clark, a spokesperson for Mississippi’s Harrison County, where six sites were open for sandbag distribution.

So far, there hasn’t been a need to open any shelters or order evacuations, Clark said on Tuesday.

Hurricane Fausto churns in the Pacific

In the eastern Pacific Ocean, Hurricane Fausto churned far from Mexico’s Baja California peninsula and posed no threat to land, the hurricane center said.

Fausto gained hurricane status Monday night. It was about 735 miles southwest of the southern tip of Baja California, had top sustained winds of 75 mph and was moving northwest at 12 mph.

The storm was expected to strengthen Tuesday and Wednesday. No coastal watches or warnings were in effect, though ocean swells generated by the storm could cause life-threatening surf and rip tide conditions on the Baja California coast, the center said.

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Associated Press journalists Kimberly Chandler in Montgomery, Alabama, and Haya Panjwani in Washington contributed.

7/21/2026: The article has been updated with additional details about the storm.

Republican senators are pressing the Trump administration to offer a clearer plan and more information about the Iran war after three U.S. service members were killed and dozens were wounded in renewed attacks in recent days.

Several lawmakers said Monday that Congress should no longer remain on the sidelines and that the White House needs to explain where the conflict is headed.

“It looked like things were tapering off, and now things look like they’re heating up,” Sen. Bill Cassidy, a Republican from Louisiana, told NOTUS.

The fighting intensified over the weekend after Iranian attacks killed two U.S. soldiers at a base in Jordan. A third service member was killed in Iraq during the controlled detonation of an Iranian drone. The U.S. military said Monday it was carrying out a 10th consecutive night of strikes against Iran. Trump vowed further retaliation Monday.

Cassidy said the latest escalation warrants congressional briefings, individual briefings and “the president speaking to the American people about it, explaining the circumstances,”

“I think some sort of authorization of force should be part of that,” Cassidy said, before stopping short of endorsing formally adopting an AUMF. “I just know Congress needs to be involved.”

Adding to the troubles is that gas prices are on the rise once again. Prices per gallon eclipsed $4.50 on average in May, but that figure was on the decline until July 4th. Since then, gas prices have sharply increased to nearly $4 per gallon as Iran has again choked off the Strait of Hormuz.

“That, to me, is the key consideration in all of this,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune told reporters. “That’s going to be key to all these economic questions that have been raised.”

No briefing from administration officials appears imminent. Thune told NOTUS that he does not expect a briefing this week.

“I don’t know that I expect to,” Thune told NOTUS. “Anytime where we’ve got kinetic activity over there, regular updates are helpful.”

Some new information could come tomorrow. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Chair of the Joint Chiefs Dan Caine will appear before the Senate Appropriations Committee on Tuesday, where they are expected to answer questions about the Trump administration’s $87.6 billion supplemental request for Iran war funding.

Sen. John Curtis, a Republican from Utah, said Congress should be more involved in approving the war.

“I think it’s clear that it is time for Congress to act,” Curtis said. “And that doesn’t mean that it’s necessarily acting, constraining the president, but in fact defining what this looks like.”

Curtis said Congress should consider a formal declaration of war on a narrower authorization for specific military action.

Sen. Thom Tillis, a Republican from North Carolina, said the renewed fighting on July 10 started a new 60-day clock under the War Powers Resolution.

“My 60-day clock is ticking.” Tillis said.

But not every Republican calling for a clearer plan wants restraint.

Sen. Mike Rounds, a Republican from South Dakota, said the administration needs a strategy to break the cycle of Iranian attacks and U.S. retaliation beyond “just hoping for a diplomatic outcome.”

“It may very well mean having a plan to militarily resolve this situation,” Rounds said. He added that senators should receive classified briefings.

Sen. Roger Wicker of Mississippi, the chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, echoed Round’s call for a more decisive approach.

“I just hope we go ahead and finish the job in Iran,” Wicker said.

At issue for members is the timeline. The fighting in Iran kicked off in late February, with lawmakers on both sides of the aisle wanting a swift resolution to the war that Trump and administration officials insisted would only go on for a matter of weeks, not months.

The “memorandum of understanding” last month brought a temporary halt to activity between the two sides, but has since been brushed aside, leading to the renewed hostilities and worrying lawmakers.

“We’ve lost soldiers. That’s a new, very concerning, sad development,” said Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, a Republican from West Virginia. “The escalation’s concerning.”

“You don’t know which way it’s going to go,” she added.

Meanwhile, Democrats plan to force another vote in the Senate this week to cut off hostilities with Iran, aiming to put added pressure on vulnerable Republicans ahead of November’s midterm elections. Last month, four Republican senators broke party lines to support a similar war powers resolution, which was symbolic and not legally binding.

“Trump needs to stop this catastrophe and bring our troops home, and Senate Republicans can’t let him off the hook until he does,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said in a floor speech Monday announcing the vote.

Sen. Brian Schatz, a Democrat from Hawaii, urged Republicans who have concerns about the war to join Democrats in voting for the measure and fulfill their responsibilities as a coequal branch of government.

“You can’t be against this war and then keep voting to fund the war, and you can’t be against this war and keep rejecting these war powers resolutions,” Schatz told NOTUS.

Senate Democrats also blocked an effort to begin debate on the annual defense policy bill last week in protest of the Iran war.

“Every time Iran kills an American Soldier they will pay for that killing many times over!” Trump wrote Monday on Truth Social.

This story is provided by a partnership between Mississippi Today and the NOTUS Washington Bureau Initiative, which seeks to help readers in local communities understand what their elected representatives are doing in Congress.

Mississippi Today and Deep South Today announce the launch of “Black Box,” a new investigative podcast that takes listeners inside one of the most consequential public health and government accountability stories unfolding in Mississippi.

Hosted by Mississippi Today Mental Health Reporter Allen Siegler, “Black Box” follows the money behind Mississippi’s opioid settlement and examines how more than $400 million intended to address addiction, treatment and recovery is being spent across the state.

The five-part narrative series combines original reporting, on-the-ground storytelling and exclusive interviews with public officials, advocates, families and people directly impacted by the opioid crisis.

The first two episodes launch Tuesday, with the final three episodes launching in coming weeks.

“As states across the country proudly announced using millions of opioid settlement dollars to address addiction, few knew how Mississippi was managing its money,” Siegler said. “This series traces what’s happened since the state received its first settlement check, where the money might go next and what the victims of Mississippi’s opioid epidemic think of these decisions.”

After decades of lawsuits against pharmaceutical companies accused of fueling the opioid epidemic, states began receiving billions of dollars in settlement. Mississippi is expected to receive more than $400 million. The series investigates what happens after the money arrives, examining decisions made by lawmakers, local governments and public agencies tasked with determining how the money is  spent.

Throughout the series, listeners will travel across Mississippi to hear from families affected by addiction, public health experts, recovery advocates and policymakers while exploring questions of transparency, accountability and public trust. Episodes investigate how local governments have spent settlement dollars, whether spending decisions align with public health recommendations and how political decisions may shape the future of addiction treatment and prevention.

“Black Box” is the first major narrative podcast released under the Deep South Today banner, showcasing the organization’s commitment to ambitious, multimedia journalism that serves communities across the South. The project is a collaboration among Mississippi Today, Deep South Today and the award-winning audio production company, Goat Rodeo.

“At Deep South Today, we believe some stories deserve more than a headline,” said Emily Wagster Pettus, Editor in Chief of Mississippi Today. “This investigation combines rigorous accountability reporting with powerful storytelling to help listeners understand not only how public dollars are being spent, but what is at stake for Mississippi communities.”

Mississippi Today has reported extensively on opioid settlement spending since 2023, uncovering how state and local governments have approached one of the largest public health funding opportunities in state history. “Black Box” expands that award-winning reporting into an immersive audio experience designed to bring listeners closer to the people, decisions and consequences behind the story.

Listeners can subscribe on all major podcast platforms.

Businessman and former state Sen. John Polk of Hattiesburg died, Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann said in a social media post on Monday. Polk was 77.

“The Senate and I have lost a close friend, confidant, and outstanding person in former Senator John Polk of Hattiesburg,” Hosemann wrote. “We will always remember him for his unwavering dedication to Mississippi, his strong convictions, and his willingness to say what needed to be said even when it was difficult.”

During a special session last week, Sen. Josh Harkins had announced to his colleagues that Polk had entered hospice care for his illness, and Harkins praised Polk’s service, saying “he’s carried himself with dignity … and was a genuinely kind man.”

Public Safety Commissioner Sean Tindell, a former senator who served with Polk, said: “John Polk was a distinguished businessman, statesman, devoted family man, and man of God. He will be deeply missed, but I take comfort in knowing he is at peace.”

Polk, a Republican served as District 44 senator for Lamar County from 2012 to early 2026. The Legislature redrew the district in 2025, a move Polk had said played into his decision to not seek reelection.

“Serving district 44 as your Senator has been the honor of my life,” Polk said, announcing his decision to his constituents last year. “I know there were times I didn’t vote the way you individually wished I had, but I always had the people of the district and state’s best interest when I voted.”

Polk was a veteran of the Mississippi National Guard and served as an executive at his family’s business, Polk Meat Products, and was a longtime business and community leader in the Pine Belt area and big supporter of his alma mater, the University of Southern Mississippi.

Arrangements were pending as of Monday.

U.S. District Court Judge Henry Wingate, who’s overseeing the federal Jackson water lawsuit, wanted answers Monday about reported discussions of a potential data center on a historically significant property in the city.

WLBT reported Friday on emails exchanged between Jackson Mayor John Horhn and a local tech nonprofit that detail the benefits a hyperscale data center at Lake Hico would bring, including up to $15 billion in private investment and up to $20 million a year in revenue for the city.

Wingate said he called a status conference to ensure any discussions of a data center in Jackson consider impacts on the city’s rehabilitating water and sewer systems.

Horhn, though, appearing as a witness Monday, said such questions were “very, very premature.” The mayor explained that a developer who recently leased the Lake Hico property, which is 16th Section land owned by Jackson Public Schools, is taking the next three years to explore what to do with the land. The options being considered include residential and industrial uses, Horhn said.

Just three days before the WLBT report, the Jackson City Council voted to pass Mississippi’s first moratorium on new data centers, which is set to start in August and last for six months.

Given the large amount of tax revenue the industry could bring, Horhn said it “would be foolish” for the city to not at least consider bringing in a data center. But he also emphasized that the city, during the moratorium, is developing new rules to account for the public’s concerns around noise, water footprint and energy consumption.

Horhn added he’s sensitive to the significance of Lake Hico and understands why residents would be concerned over the property’s future. Decades ago, the area served as a recreation hub for the city until integration saw white communities abandon the lake for the Ross Barnett Reservoir, the mayor recalled. More recently, Entergy used the property as a cooling pond for one of its power plants. In 2020, the company announced it was draining the lake because JPS wanted to pursue other development.

Jackson City Attorney Drew Martin said the city would consult with JXN Water — the third-party manager of the local water and sewer systems — on the new regulations it plans to enact for data centers. Martin, echoing Horhn, also reiterated to Wingate that the city has received no proposal or application to build a data center at Lake Hico.