OurTupelo

Mukta Joshi is a reporter at Mississippi Today. She is spending a year as a New York Times Local Investigations fellow. Joseph Cranney is a reporter at Verite News. Both report for the Deep South Today Investigative Reporting Center in collaboration with The Times.

SENATOBIA — For many residents of this tiny city about 40 miles south of Memphis, the fatal police shooting of a 1-year-old Black toddler in June became a flashpoint after years of complaints about discriminatory and overzealous policing.

The toddler, Kohen Wiley, was killed when police officers shot at a vehicle he was in after they responded to a shoplifting call at a local Walmart store.

Last year, the city’s elected aldermen had forced out its previous police chief after a string of controversies, including an incident in which one of his officers had arrested a 10-year-old Black boy who had urinated in public. But the new police chief, brought in last fall for his “firm, fair and focused” leadership style, routinely used racist slurs in private text conversations with a colleague even after he was appointed, reporters for Mississippi Today, Verite News and The New York Times have learned.

In one text message, the chief, Harold Vanderford, described having a “racist moment.” In another, he wrote that he “almost beat a nigger and white woman’s ass a few minutes ago.”

Vanderford used the racist slur, spelled various ways, more than a dozen times in a series of 10 text conversations dating back to last summer and continuing after he became chief. The texts were provided to reporters by the person who had received them, who said they came from Chief Vanderford. Three other acquaintances confirmed that the phone number associated with the messages belonged to the chief.

Three months before the Walmart shooting, Vanderford texted a colleague to lament Mississippi State University’s performance in a college sporting event, referring to a player using a racist slur.

In at least two instances in April, Chief Vanderford used the slur to refer to himself or his white friend, text messages show.

On another occasion, he texted that he was drunk and using the word loudly. Another time, he said he had “screamed” the slur 15 times. He texted that he hoped he was loud enough that his neighbors heard him.

On Thanksgiving Day, the chief texted that he “just had a racist moment on Goodman Road,” a street in Southaven.

Vanderford did not respond to phone and email messages left by reporters, or notes left at his home and the police station. The mayor of Senatobia, Greg Graves, did not respond to a request for comment.

“It is completely unacceptable for any law enforcement in Mississippi to use racial slurs, whether in private or in public, because no official can protect and serve a community while harboring hatred toward its people,” said Charles Taylor, the executive director of the Mississippi chapter of the NAACP.

When he took over the department, Chief Vanderford, a 60-year-old native of Greenville and 29-year veteran of law enforcement, vowed his tenure would focus on “reestablishing and solidifying trust” with the community.

Then, in June, his officers confronted Vellesiya Wiley and Latoya Ferrell after they were accused by people in a Walmart of stealing baby clothes and a pack of diapers. The pair got into a vehicle, and officers surrounded them with raised guns.

Wiley, who was in the passenger seat holding her son, said that as they drove away, she lifted up the boy in an effort to make sure officers saw him. Then she heard three or four shots.

According to a statement released the day of the incident by the Mississippi Bureau of Investigation, which is investigating the shooting, officers had attempted to stop the car, but “the driver drove in the direction of the officers, almost striking one.”

State and local law enforcement officials said they would not answer questions or release body-worn camera or surveillance footage of the incident until their investigation was complete. On Monday, the Mississippi Legislative Black Caucus demanded updates on the state’s investigation from the attorney general.

The Wiley family hired Ben Crump, the civil rights lawyer, who presented forensic evidence suggesting that the police had fired from the side of the vehicle, which, he said, indicated that the officer had not been in harm’s way.

In documents released “in error,” state law enforcement officials identified Sgt. Hunter Foster as the subject of their investigation. In the months leading up to the shooting, Foster had directed racist remarks at two of his co-workers, according to internal complaints obtained by Mississippi Today.

In July, Mississippi Today reported that two days before the Walmart shooting, Foster had directed a racially offensive remark toward a Black co-worker, according to an internal complaint. Six months before the shooting, Foster was also accused of making derogatory remarks toward a fellow officer who is white and has a daughter with his Black partner, according to an internal complaint. The officer, Joshua Griffin, now a deputy with the Tate County Sheriff’s Department, declined a request for comment.

According to the written complaint, Foster told Griffin, “you need to get your people” in relation to a foot chase involving Black people. A week later, Foster made a second remark using a crude sexist epithet, saying that the owner of a suspicious vehicle was Griffin’s “type,” which Griffin took to mean a Black woman, the complaint said.

Foster remained on patrol. In June, two days before the Walmart shooting, he referred to a Black officer in the department using a racist expletive, according to ‌the internal complaint. That officer, Dexter Smith, filed the complaint the day after the shooting.

A lawyer representing Foster, Martin Zummach, hasn’t addressed Foster’s comments, but wrote in an emailed statement that he was “very convinced” that his client would be cleared of allegations of wrongdoing.

Vanderford hasn’t publicly addressed the shooting. The Wiley family said he had not offered condolences.

Correction 8/22/2026: An earlier version of this article referred imprecisely to two instances in which Chief Vanderford used a racist slur in text messages. The description to his texting that he was drunk and that he had “screamed” the slur 15 times was not from a single exchange, but rather two different conversations in which he used the slur.

Today’s students and young adults are true digital natives, having grown up online, learning to navigate digital spaces as a normal part of daily life. As they transition to college, they turn to digital platforms and social media for everything  from apartment hunting and job searches to shopping, banking and talking with friends.

That familiarity, however, can create a false sense of security, making younger adults just as much of a target for fraud and scams as older individuals. According to the FBI’s Internet Crime Report, Americans ages 20–29 reported more than $500 million to internet-crime losses in 2025.

As scammers become more sophisticated, including using AI, students need to be more vigilant than ever about fraud and scams. Understanding the most common ones can help you and your children avoid becoming victims.

Common scams targeting students (and the families supporting them)

Online shopping and marketplace scams

Whether your student is furnishing a dorm, moving into an apartment or buying textbooks–or you’re helping them pay for essentials—online deals and secondhand marketplaces can help you save money while also creating more opportunities for scammers.

Buy from official and trusted retailers whenever possible, double check website URLs for misspellings or other red flags, and make sure the site uses https://. Be wary of deals that seem too good to be true as well. Avoid clicking links in unsolicited emails or text messages, including fake “missed delivery” notifications that often lead to fraudulent websites or malware.

Before making a purchase, read seller reviews and ratings. If you’re buying locally, meet in a safe public place and inspect the item before paying.

Job scams

As students return to school this fall, some may be looking for part-time jobs or internships. Scammers target students with fake jobs offering high salaries, flexible schedules or jobs you can do from a residence hall, apartment or home.

If your child receives a job offer by text, email, or direct message – be cautious, especially if they never applied to work at that company. Encourage them to use well-known job boards and then apply directly through the company’s official website. 

Also, if an employer asks them to pay upfront for training, equipment, background checks or application fees, it may be a sign of a scam. Legitimate companies will never charge you to get a job. They also won’t send you money and then ask you to return a portion of it.

Rental and housing scams

Scammers know student housing is in high demand. They’ll often post fake apartment listings or copy legitimate ones to trick potential renters (or their families) into sending money for a deposit.

Rental prices that seem unusually low should raise a red flag. Use a reverse image search to see if photos of the property appear on a different website or in a different location. Research unfamiliar property managers or housing websites before sending money, and avoid paying deposits through wire transfers, gift cards or peer-to-peer payment apps.

Double check the address, read online reviews of the property management company and schedule a tour of the house or apartment before signing a lease or sending a deposit. That way, you’ll know the listing and location is real. 

The influence of AI

Thanks to artificial intelligence, scammers can now create cloned voices and deepfake videos, along with fraudulent emails, text messages and even websites and apps that look real. These AI tools let scammers impersonate family members, employers, banks, law enforcement, delivery companies and trusted brands to get you to send money or share personal information. They may even target parents directly—claiming your child is in trouble and needs money immediately.

How to protect yourself (and your children)

No matter what type of scam you encounter, a few simple habits can go a long way toward reducing your risk:

• Limit the personal information you and your children share online and make social media profiles  private whenever possible. This can help reduce the information scammers can use to target you, guess your security questions or attempt to access your financial accounts.

• When you’re making a payment, use more protected methods, such as credit and debit cards, which generally offer stronger consumer protections than wire transfers, gift cards or peer-to-peer payment apps. Treat peer-to-peer payments, such as Zelle, like cash — once the money is sent, it’s often difficult to recover.

• Scammers can spoof phone numbers to make calls look like they’re coming from your bank, law enforcement or another trusted organization. Don’t automatically trust your caller ID – if you get a call demanding immediate action or claiming there’s a problem with your account, hang up and call back directly using a verified phone number. Banks will never call and ask you for account information, tell you to transfer money to ‘protect’ it or pressure you to act immediately.

• Don’t click links or download attachments from unexpected emails or text messages and avoid accessing your financial accounts or making online purchases on public Wi-Fi, where savvy cybercriminals can gain access to your login credentials. 

• Perhaps most importantly, slow down. Back-to-school season brings a flurry of financial decisions and scammers know students and families are looking for deals. They often create a false sense of urgency to try to pressure people into making quick decisions. Taking a few extra minutes to verify information can make the difference.

The bottom line

Whether your student is shopping for school supplies, searching for a job or signing a first lease, their status as a student can make them a prime target for scammers—and families can be targeted too.

Stay skeptical of unsolicited offers, verify before you pay or share personal information, and slow down when something feels rushed. Those simple habits can help protect your money, your identity and your family’s peace of mind throughout the school year from scams and fraud.

To help consumers stay ahead of common and emerging threats, Chase hosts more than 1,000 free fraud and scam prevention workshops each year in communities across the country. This September, Chase will host a workshop for [college/university name] students focused on recognizing scams and protecting their money and personal information during the back-to-school season.

For more financial health tips, visit chase.com/scamproof.

Multiple bags of illegal drugs and contraband were found last week at the Mississippi State Hospital in Whitfield.

The discovery prompted K-9 units to descend on the hospital and law enforcement agents have conducted roadblocks and vehicle inspections upon entry and exit of the campus. It has also sparked an ongoing investigation by the facility’s police force and investigators with the Mississippi Department of Corrections.

Mississippi Today was provided photos of bags of pills and powdered substances, what appeared to be a large bag of marijuana, lighters, wrapping papers and electronic devices.

While the smuggling of drugs and contraband has been a long-running problem inside Mississippi prisons, the discovery of these substances at Mississippi’s largest public psychiatric facility is more uncommon.

In a statement to Mississippi Today, Adam Moore, a spokesperson for the Mississippi Department of Mental Health, said the contraband was not located near any patients or patient areas of the campus. He also said the agency did not believe any drugs were used by or distributed to patients at the hospital, but how the contraband entered the facility or who may be responsible remains under investigation.

“MSH and other DMH programs treat people with the most intense and severe needs. Our highest concern is the safety of the people we serve and supporting their recovery and resiliency. If it is discovered that any hospital staff was involved in this event, we will take appropriate action immediately,” Moore said. “We will continue to implement any necessary measures to maintain patient and staff safety.”

While the investigation is ongoing, Moore suggested the source of the drugs could be linked to participants in a re-entry program that allows people to leave facilities and work with the grounds and maintenance crews at Whitfield.

The drugs were discovered last week after hospital staff found a suspicious package believed to be contraband in an area of the Mississippi State Hospital campus that is designated for Mississippi Department of Corrections inmate work programs only, Moore said.

The Central Mississippi Correctional Facility in Rankin County is just over a mile away from Whitfield, and allows some prisoners to participate in the program. The prison has also been investigated for alleged overdose deaths of prisoners. The possibility that the drugs came from a participant in the re-entry program has not been confirmed. In a statement, Mississippi Department of Corrections Commissioner Burl Cain did not offer additional details, but said the agency would make a statement following an investigation.

“The MDOC is aware of the contraband seizure, and once the investigation is completed, the MDOC will make a statement,” Cain said.

When the package was found at the Whitfield hospital, the only identifiable contraband was two cellphones, Moore said. Hospital police then secured the room and contacted the Department of Corrections because the agency “has jurisdiction over areas where inmates work,” Moore said.

The Corrections Department sent K-9 units to the hospital and took custody of the suspected contraband. Hospital staff did not open the package or photograph its contents, Moore said. Corrections officials later reported to hospital staff that the package contained various illegal substances.

The photos show a bag of what appears to be marijuana on a scale that displays a weight of 460 grams, or just over 1 pound. That quantity of marijuana could be worth thousands of dollars. The photos also show bags of unidentified pills, powdered substances and “SIM devices,” which could be linked to illegal phones.

After the drugs were discovered, the prisoners were taken off hospital grounds. The work program partnership with the Corrections Department “has been suspended until further notice to ensure the safety of our patients and staff,” Moore said.

“We have a zero tolerance policy for illegal contraband on MSH campus,” Moore added.

JTRAN employees will return to work Monday under a new tentative agreement with MV Transportation, putting an end to the monthlong strike between the two parties.

Employees will see an immediate 5% increase in their base pay under the new contract and an additional 3% increase over the next two years. Under the old contract, starting pay was $17.18 an hour with senior workers receiving $23 an hour.

The proposal was ratified Thursday by a 29–9 vote and addresses the union’s demands for better pay and benefits.

“We’re just glad that it’s over,” Local 1208 union president Charles Tornes Jr.  said. “It’s hot out there in Jackson, Mississippi, weather.”

The final agreement is set to be voted on next week.

A spokesperson for MV Transportation was not immediately available.

The new agreement also addresses union concerns with MV Transportation’s previous proposal to the city. The plan sought to cut two bus routes, eliminate Saturday service and allow MV to hire drivers without commercial licenses for microtransit services, a ride-hailing system. 

JTRAN routes 70 and 20 — which provide service to the Ellis and Woodrow Wilson neighborhoods — will continue in addition to Saturday service. MV is limited to hiring five drivers without a commercial license but the limit rises to seven if JTRAN falls beneath 40 active workers. 

Additional provisions add Martin Luther King Jr. day to the holiday calendar and creates an accident review board within the company. The board will include one representative from the Amalgamated Transit Union and MV Transportation.

While the agreement serves as a win for both sides, compromises were made. The union did not gain lunch breaks. Provisions for workplace incidents will remain the same — meaning employees will go unpaid if placed on administrative leave. 

Tornes said some of the issues not agreed upon are still a work in progress.

Though publicly funded, JTRAN employees have worked for private Texas-based company MV Transportation since 2024 under a $9 million contract with the city. The contract is set to expire Dec. 31, 2027. 

Tornes told Misissippi Today that he doesn’t see a path forward with MV and predicts that another company will take over once bids reopen.

“Companies come and go. But at the end of the day, we’ve been chartered since 1939 at JTRAN ATU. We’re gonna be there”

The two parties had been negotiating a new agreement since December after their previous contract expired. Tensions boiled over in late May after union members learned that Mayor Horn’s administration was planning to present MV’s proposal to the city council — something members previously said would undermine their negotiations. 

JTRAN employees would vote to strike two weeks later.

The company’s contingency plan, which was sought by the city, saw outside workers flown into Jackson in order to continue bus services. 

In a paratransit meeting on July 15, MV senior vice president Leland Paterson said 11 of 12 fixed routes were on the road and that they were 50% on time the first day workers went on strike. Mississippi Today reached out to MV Transportation for updated statistics but MV did not respond prior to publication. 

This is not the first time a strike has happened under the city’s contract with MV Transportation. JTRAN workers previously went on strike in September 2024—halting all bus services in the city for 14 days. The strike ended after seven mediated sessions.

Yulia Gómez held her infant son during a doctor’s appointment in Alabama as part of his care for health complications he’s faced since birth. Until a month ago, her husband Olinder Calderon was by her side to translate and help her understand their child’s care. 

But on this day, Gómez was by herself because Calderon is hundreds of miles away in a Mississippi immigration detention center facing deportation to Guatemala, a country he left nearly 20 years ago.  

Calderon plans to ask a judge to cancel removal proceedings against him because of his son and how much of a role he plays in the infant’s medical care. If deported, his wife said she would have to stay so that their American-born son can continue to receive specialized medical care. 

“(It) would completely change our lives,” Gómez said in Spanish in a phone interview from the doctor’s office. “I’d have to start our whole life over, and I think we’d even end up separating because you can’t put love above our baby’s well-being and health.”

The 27-year-old has been especially worried because Calderon was the family’s main source of income and transportation to the baby’s appointments, some hours away.  

Since he’s been away, Gómez said she has used their small savings to continue their son’s medical care. She is looking for support from organizations and searching for a pro bono immigration attorney because money is limited.  

Calderon’s immigration case took a step forward Wednesday with a virtual preliminary hearing with Immigration Judge Larry Downend from the LaSalle Immigration Court in Jena, Louisiana.  

That morning, Gómez logged on through a link provided by the federal government to watch the hearing, but she spent hours in a virtual waiting room unable to see anything before she was kicked off. 

Later that day, she talked with her husband who told her the hearing was brief. Downend, who was appointed to the court in June, asked if Calderon had an attorney and if he needed more time to get one, Gómez said. The judge also asked about the possibility of voluntary self-deportation, but she said Calderon does not plan to do that because of their son. 

His next hearing date is set for Sept. 1. At that hearing or a future one on his case’s merits, Calderon will have the chance to argue why he should stay in the country. 

As Calderon’s case makes its way through immigration court, Gómez said she has been in contact with the office of Alabama U.S. Rep. Mike Rogers, who has offered help to look into Calderon’s case, including reaching out to Immigration and Customs Enforcement. 

A spokesperson for Rogers, a Republican who chairs the House Armed Services Committee, was not immediately available for comment Friday. 

Calderon, 37, came to the U.S. through a work visa and he stayed after it expired. He has worked as a painter and joined a Latino Christian church, where he became a member of the worship team, played bass guitar and sang in the church band. A friend introduced him to Gómez, and the couple married three years ago. Their son Oliver David was born in Georgia, near the Alabama border, in November. 

Gómez said she doesn’t have a driver’s license and can’t leave her son with others because of his special care needs. She stopped working during her high-risk pregnancy. 

Oliver developed bacterial meningitis after he was born, and the infection resulted in problems with his swallowing and coordination with his breathing. Gómez said eating poses a choking risk for him. The infant receives therapy at a Birmingham, Alabama, hospital and has appointments at a children’s clinic in Auburn, Alabama. 

Because Gómez and Calderon don’t have family in the U.S., people from church and the community have stepped in to help her get to doctor’s appointments and buy milk and supplies for Oliver. 

In a letter shared with Mississippi Today, Oliver’s pediatrician wrote that Calderon’s absence would have a physical, mental and emotional impact on the infant. The first week Calderon was gone, Gómez said their son had trouble sleeping because the baby was used to sleeping with his father. 

On July 19, Calderon was driving home from church when a police officer in Jackson’s Gap, Alabama, pulled him over. The officer found Calderon had a suspended license due to an outstanding ticket from another state, Gómez said. Then the officer asked Calderson if he was a citizen. He told the truth: No, I don’t have papers. 

Police put cuffs on his hands and legs and put him into the back of a cruiser, which Gómez said she saw through a video call from friends who met Calderon at the scene. 

“What impacted me the most was seeing my husband … accused like a person who committed a crime,” she said, adding that he does not have a criminal record. 

Coordination between local and state law enforcement and ICE is possible especially through the 287(g) program. Participation has exploded during the Trump administration. Jackon’s Gap’s agreement with ICE gives the force some authority to enforce federal immigration laws during routine policing, according to ICE records. 

Similar 287(g) agreements have also been signed in Mississippi, and more departments and state agencies are expected to ink them because a new state law requires all counties with a jail to have one. As of August, 25 of the state’s 82 counties have signed them, as well over 20 police departments, five state agencies and a county constable’s office.  

The Trump immigration crackdown has led to increased immigration arrests and restricted eligibility for bond hearings. At one point, anyone who entered the country illegally at any point in time could not receive bond to leave detention and await court proceedings from home, leading to indefinite detention. In July, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that those arrested are entitled to a bond hearing within 90 days of detention. 

Calderon had a bond hearing and provided written support from his church. The pastors highlighted his service and devotion to the church, his family and the community. 

If released on bond, they said the church would continue to support Calderon and his family. The pastors said he earned their trust over the years and they are confident he would attend future immigration hearings, according to the letter shared with Mississippi Today.

Downend denied the request July 30, saying Calderon failed to meet the burden to show he wasn’t a flight risk, according to documents reviewed by Mississippi Today.  

Calderon was moved from one immigration center to another, and Gómez was not able to talk to him. She said she tracked his movement through an app until he ended up in the Adams County Correctional Center in Mississippi.

She talks to him daily, and through a tablet. Calderon can have video calls where he can see their son. 

Since coming to the Natchez facility, Calderon has had a fever and sore throat, making it difficult for him to speak, Gómez said. She worries he has been receiving inadequate medical attention because he has asked a nurse to treat him, but Calderon said he hasn’t received treatment. Others at the immigration detention center are sick, too, he told her. 

“What I want people to take from this story is that Olinder, my husband, is not a criminal. He’s a father, a hard worker, a man who for years has served the church and been part of the community. His criminal record is clean,” Gómez said. 

“I want people to understand that behind an immigration detention there are human beings — families.”

Claudia Amendoeira and Sarah Whites-Koditschek contributed reporting

The former M.M. Roberts Stadium at Southern Miss is now Renasant Stadium, named for Renasant Bank. This is welcome news for far more than the 13.7 million obvious reasons.

No: 1, Tupelo-based Renasant, which purchased The First Bank of Hattiesburg in 2025, will pay Southern Miss athletics a badly needed $13.7 million over 10 years for the naming rights to the stadium.

No. 2, and more importantly in my mind, the stadium is no longer named for Malcolm Mettle (M.M.) Roberts, the self-avowed racist and Hattiesburg lawyer, who chaired the state’s Institutions of Higher Learning when the expansion of the stadium was funded in the 1970s. For nearly half a century, Black athletes such as Reggie Collier, Sammy Winder, Jerald Baylis, Hanford Dixon, Damien Fletcher and Frank Gore, Jr.  and hundreds more have spearheaded Southern Miss football to victories in a stadium named for a man who would have preferred they never be allowed to attend college there. Roberts died in 1982.

That was blatantly wrong. Anybody who has read this column over the years might have noticed I nearly always referred to the stadium by its nickname, “The Rock,” rather than by its official name. Perhaps it was my own little protest, but I’m glad I don’t have to do it any longer.

M.M. Roberts was appointed chairman of the state College Board in 1959 by Gov. Ross Barnett. Roberts presided over the board when James Meredith at first was denied admission to Ole Miss. Indeed, Roberts later voted to withhold Meredith’s hard-earned degree from Ole Miss.

In a speech to professors at USM, Roberts once said these words: “But as I’ve gone along through the years and looked back, I’ve said to myself really that I am a racist. Every time I read a definition I say, ‘Well, that’s me.’ I have no apologies for it, though. It’s me.”

File this name change in the folder called: Goodbye, good riddance.

Enough of that. Let’s examine what this means for Southern Miss athletics and Mississippi sports in general. In short, expect more of the same to follow.

The deal between Southern Miss and Renasant breaks the ice in Mississippi as far as corporate sponsorships and naming rights. Such deals have become common around the country, from Kroger Field at Kentucky, to the Carrier Dome at Syracuse, to Hancock Whitney Stadium at South Alabama, to Hard Rock Stadium at Miami and Heinz Field at Pittsburgh.

As Ole Miss athletic director Keith Carter has put it, “It’s all about revenue generation these days.”

The cost of funding college athletics programs continues to skyrocket higher and higher in this age of Name, Image and Likeness, known as the NIL, and the transfer portal. Starting quarterbacks at Power Four schools can make $5 million and more. Friday night starters in the SEC can make half a million a year. An All-American point guard can command millions.

The fundraising issue is magnified at mid-major schools like Southern Miss, which doesn’t receive the more than $70 million annual distribution the Southeastern Conference doles out. The $13.7 million is a huge chunk for USM. While it doesn’t solve funding issues, it certainly helps. The 10-year deal begins with a $500,000 payment this year, escalating to a $1.64 million payment in 2036.

You can expect more deals like this at Southern Miss and other Mississippi schools. There will be corporate patches on jerseys and headgear – think PGA Tour. 

And there will be more, such as corporate names for entertainment districts that surround stadiums. In Mississippi, this begins with Renasant Stadium at Southern Miss. Again, much, much more will follow — and soon.

Lt. Gov. Delbert Hosemann has removed Senate Democratic Leader Derrick Simmons of Greenville from a select committee on redistricting that is tasked with advising the full chamber on redrawing electoral maps after the U.S. Supreme Court’s Callais decision. 

Republican Hosemann did not respond to a question on why he removed Simmons from the committee. But he did replace Simmons with another Democrat, Sen. Albert Butler of Port Gibson. 

The lieutenant governor’s removal of Simmons from the committee comes after Simmons, House Minority Leader Robert Johnson and Legislative Black Caucus Chairman Kabir Karriem wrote a letter to Hosemann and House Speaker Jason White saying they did not believe lawmakers should redraw political districts now. 

“The Legislature cannot and should not revert to lines or schemes that have already been determined to dilute Black voting strength, which would constitute intentional discrimination,” the letter reads. “Indeed, it does not need to draw new lines at all.” 

Simmons, in a statement, said he respects the lieutenant governor’s authority to appoint senators to committees, but he still believes the Legislature should not redraw political lines right now. 

“My position on mid-decade redistricting remains unchanged,” Simmons said. “I continue to believe that any consideration of redistricting should be legally justified, transparent, and accompanied by meaningful public input.” 

The Legislature typically redraws congressional and state legislative districts once every 10 years after U.S. Census data is released. But the U.S. Supreme Court’s recent Louisiana v. Callais decision gave state legislatures more freedom to redraw districts for partisan reasons. 

A joint House and Senate redistricting committee is currently holding hearings across the state to gather voter input on how legislative and congressional districts should be redrawn. Republican Gov. Tate Reeves is expected to call lawmakers into special session on redistricting before year’s end.

Mississippi Today Ideas is a platform for thoughtful Mississippians to share their ideas about our state’s past, present and future. Opinions expressed in guest essays are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent those of Mississippi Today. You can read more about the section here.

This month, Mississippi parents will pack their 18-year-olds off to campuses across the state and worry about the usual things – homesickness, roommates and that first shaky attempt at independence.

But there is a new risk many parents don’t know exists. Their child can now place real-money bets on sports from a dorm room, despite Mississippi’s prohibition on online sports gambling.

So-called “prediction markets,” popular platforms like Kalshi and Polymarket, let users as young as 18 all across the country gamble on everything from sports to what word might be mentioned at a press conference.

It doesn’t matter what the laws are in Mississippi or any other state. Unlike traditional online sports betting apps, these platforms don’t abide by state age minimums or bans, nor do they provide problem gambling resources to prevent addiction.

Instead, these companies insist they are federally regulated financial exchanges – investment tools – not sportsbooks. But for a college freshman with a Venmo balance and a favorite team, the distinction is meaningless. It is sports gambling.

Most parents assume the guardrails are in place. Almost three in four voters in Mississippi believe that prediction markets should be required to follow the same state gaming laws as licensed sportsbooks, according to Morning Consult polling conducted earlier this year.

But prediction markets claim they cannot be regulated by states. Working with the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), they argue they are akin to the New York Stock Exchange but for sports. That has opened up sports gambling to anyone as young as 18, including college students in Mississippi even though statewide mobile sports betting remains illegal.

These platforms are also reportedly targeting college campuses with aggressive marketing, sponsoring college clubs and paying student influencers to popularize them with peers. The NCAA has called for the CFTC to pause prediction market offerings on college sports until safeguards are enacted, but that request has fallen on deaf ears.

As students head off to campus this fall, they will face hundreds of betting opportunities every week and an advertising blitz already ramping up. Freshmen will see ads during game breaks in dorm lounges. They will watch classmates open the apps between lectures. And they will be told, over and over, that they are not gambling – they are “investing.”

That framing is the most dangerous part. Investing is about ownership, long-term growth, and building a future. Wagering on whether the Ole Miss Rebels cover the spread on Saturday is not investing, no matter how sleek the interface.

Wrapping a bet in the language of Wall Street does not change what it is. It only makes it easier for smart, financially inexperienced 18-year-old students to talk themselves into it.

The science is clear. The prefrontal cortex, the part of the brain that governs impulse control and long-range judgment, is not fully developed until the mid-twenties.

That is why we do not let 18-year-olds walk into a casino. It is also why the American Psychiatric Association classifies gambling disorder alongside substance addictions, and why young men in college are among the highest-risk populations for developing one.

As you zip up that last suitcase, smooth the comforter one final time and hug your child goodbye, you’ll be thinking about all the things you hope for the child – that he or she will find lifelong friends, stay safe, work hard and make choices that lead toward a bright future.

We can’t walk with our children every step of the way, but we can have honest conversations about the world they’re entering. This fall, make sure one of those conversations is about sports prediction markets and the risks of conflating gambling with investing.

Emily Stack is senior director of policy and executive director of Moms for America Action, a national movement of over half a million moms whose stated mission is to empower moms, promote liberty and raise patriots to heal America from the inside out. 

Students, researchers and tourists have a new tool to learn more about the Mississippi-sharecropper-turned-civil-rights-activist Fannie Lou Hamer with the relaunch of her digital driving tour. 

The refreshed tour builds on the award-winning educational project Fannie Lou Hamer’s America, which includes the nationally broadcast documentary, a K–12 curriculum and digital resources dedicated to preserving and amplifying Hamer’s voice. 

The driving tour, originally developed as part of the “Find Your Voice” curriculum, features locations connected to Hamer’s life and activism, including sites in Ruleville, Sunflower County and Winona that help tell the story of her leadership in the civil rights movement. The M.W. Stringer Lodge in Jackson where Hamer and several others founded the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party in April 1964 was added to the upgraded tour. The tour now also has short videos with archival audio footage of Hamer singing or talking about each location, current footage of the site, and archival news articles and photos.  

Funded by the Mississippi Humanities Council and the W.K. Kellogg Foundation, the digital tour  with immersive views is designed to make Hamer’s story more accessible for classrooms, cultural heritage travelers and anyone seeking a deeper understanding of Mississippi’s role in the Civil Rights Movement. Visitors can explore historic locations, learn the significance of each site and connect Hamer’s grassroots organizing to broader themes of voting rights, civic participation, education, food justice and community empowerment.

“Mrs. Hamer’s story personifies the Mississippi Freedom Movement – how local people inspired and partnered with young activists to change the state and the country,” Stuart Rockoff, executive director of the Mississippi Humanities Council, said in a news release. “This driving tour will help people from across Mississippi and the world understand the vital role Mrs. Hamer played in the movement and her continuing relevance to the issues of justice we still face today.”

The original driving tour, which included site descriptions, photos and a map of 10 relevant locations in Hamer’s life, launched online in August 2019. Fannie Lou Hamer historian and author Davis Houck and Pablo Correa designed the tour. Houck was a consultant on the film, and Correa was a videographer. 

Joy Davenport, the film’s editor and director, had the vision for the new driving tour that features the same 10 locations, such as William Chapel Church in Ruleville where Hamer attended her first mass meeting, the Sunflower County Courthouse in Indianola, where she tried to register to vote, and the Winona jail site where she and several others were beaten. 

“There was so much we couldn’t show in the film due to time and cost,” Monica Land, Hamer’s niece and producer of the film and the driving tour, said in the news release. “So, the motivation for doing this was to see another aspect of Aunt Fannie Lou’s life explored. And we’re asked all the time, ‘Where is Fannie Lou Hamer buried?’ ‘Is there a statue of her?’ ‘Is there a museum?’ By expanding the reach of the driving tour, we allow visitors to hear Aunt Fannie Lou herself describe what happened at that location. And for those who can’t visit in person, this tour makes them feel as if they were. It preserves those places as living classrooms.” 

Archival footage for the new driving tour was taken from the film with current locations shot by Jackson-based videographer and editor Tommy Kirkpatrick of CommonHouse Productions.  

The last video to be released, Atlantic City, is the only out of state location and is where Hamer gave her historic and emotional testimony before the Credentials Committee at the Democratic National Convention on Aug. 22, 1964. That video will post Friday to commemorate that event. Visit Atlantic City funded the video, and New Jersey-based videographer Pernell Pounce captured the footage. 

The driving tour is available on the film’s website, fannielouhamersamerica.com with maps and tourist information, and  YouTube channel. 

This is a developing story.

A monthlong strike by Jackson transit workers ended Thursday when their union and MV Transportation reached agreement on a new contract, clearing the way for JTRAN workers to return to work after walking off the job in July. 

Mayor John Horhn called the agreement “good news” and thanked both sides for ending the 38-day strike.

“Today’s agreement moves us forward and allows us to focus on providing the dependable transit service our residents expect and deserve,” Horhn said in a statement. 

Details about the new agreement, which still must be ratified by members of the Amalgamated Transit Union’s Local 1208, were not immediately available. Union negotiators said they had been seeking better pay and benefits.

The two sides have been negotiating a collective bargaining agreement mostly out of public view with the help of a federal mediator.

The agreement builds on the minimum pay under the previous contract, which started at $17.18 per hour and $23.00 for senior employees. It is unclear what the new pay scale will be under the new contract, nor was it clear when workers would return to their jobs.

“This strike shows that our members are willing to lay it all on the line for justice,” local 1208 president Charles Tornes Jr. said in a statement. “I want to thank our riders, and all our allies for coming out and standing with us.”  

In its own statement, MV Transportation thanked the mayor and other officials for their work in brokering an agreement “to bring an end to this unfortunate period.”

“Our focus now is on moving forward together and continuing to provide the safe, reliable and critically important transportation services that residents of Jackson depend on every day,” the company’s spokesperson, Nick Dye, said in a statement released Thursday evening.

The union had been seeking competitive pay raises, while MV Transportation proposed a number of changes to JTRAN, including new safety policies and the ability to hire drivers without commercial licenses to operate smaller vehicles for on-demand services.

A spokesperson for the city, Nic Lott, said provisions in the new contract include the use of smaller vehicles to serve residents throughout the city. 

JTRAN provides buses and paratransit services, which represent a lifeline for low-income and disabled Jacksonians to get to work, medical appointments or the grocery store. 

Though JTRAN is a publicly funded service, its unionized employees work for MV Transportation, which calls itself the largest privately owned transportation company in America. 

The recent strike was the second work stoppage since MV Transportation won the contract to manage Jackson’s transit system. The first strike occurred in the fall of 2024 and ended with the help of a federal mediator. 

MV brought in outside workers during the strike to continue bus services. Company representatives have said the bus system mostly ran as normal throughout the strike. 

Community members and riders alike voiced concerns throughout the strike. Scott Crawford, a local activist for people with disabilities, wrote multiple letters to the union voicing his worries about how paratransit users would be affected.

“This is good news for all JTRAN riders, but I have a lot of questions about the agreement,” Crawford said. 

Ward 3 Councilman Kenneth Stokes threatened to cancel the city’s contract with MV if the two parties could not come to an agreement by Aug. 11. While an order was presented to the City Council, the other six council members declined to second the motion.

Horhn waived requirements that JTRAN drivers hold Mississippi driver’s license, allowing the Texas-based company to bring in out-of-state drivers. The union called the move dangerous.

In late May, tension came to a head after the union learned that Horhn and his administration were presenting the City Council with a plan drafted by MV Transportation that would trim 20% of JTRAN’s roughly $9-million budget.

The city’s chief administrative officer, Pieter Teeuwissen, pulled the plan before the council could vote on it, citing the need for public hearings before a decision could be made. 

UPDATE, Aug. 20, 2026: This story has been updated to include a statement from MV Transportation.